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JUL 2 1900 



ONE HUNDRED YEARS 

OF 

Platforms, Principles and Policies 

OF 

The American Democracy 

B V s/s.^BLOOM, Sbelby, o. 

Containing 

A Concise Statement of the Leading Cardinal Prin- 
ciples of the Democratic Party of the United 
States, as Taught by the Fathers of the 
Republic, Enunciated in Their National Plat- 
forms, and Proclaimed by Representative Demo- 
crats, from the Foundation of the Government 
to the Date of Publication. 



In which also Appears 
Portraits of all the Democratic Presidents. 



A. D. 1900. 



Published by 

THE SHELBY PUBLISHING CO. 

Shelby, Ohio. 



13762 




Library of Congr«<w 

Two Copies Received 
JUL 2 1900 

Copyright enby 

SECOW COPY. 

Oww©rcrf to 

.ORDER DIVISION, 

JUL 13 1900 

COPYR1GH 

S. S. BLOOM 
1900 



3^\ 



\ b 



■TO 
O \ 



Dedicated to The Democracy of Richland 
County, Ohio. 

To you Democrats of Richland County, Ohio, and 
your fathers who so unitedly honored me with a com- 
mission of public service as Representative, during a 
-^riod unusual and double that of others, in accordance 

th a prevailing custom, I desire to dedicate this work, 
a feeble expression of my appreciation of the great 

aors thus conferred upon me in the earlier years of my 

During all those years, at no time and in no way, has 
censure of my public acts been passed upon me by you, 
and this might be said in a personal way of our oppon- 
ents, even during those exciting political campaigns. Tx> 
you then, in part, would I entrust this little work, believ- 
ing that it will be judged as generously, and magnanim- 
ously by you as my public services have been in the past. 

May it not only occupy a place in your homes, and 
your libraries, but in your hearts and minds as well, to 
remind you of our former relations ; and also may the 
general sentiments of "A Hundred Years" be re- 
freshed in your memories, as those which actuated your 
servant, then in the cause of true Detiiocracv. 



4 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

And now as these few lines are being penned, shall we 
forget those noble Democrats and people of my native 
county, Perry, Pa., still living, who first taught me to 
love and revere those principles in that beautiful valley, 
beyond the crest of the Alleghanies, and who first called 
me to speak and write in their behalf, nearly half a cen- 
tury ago? No, but they too shall have a share in the 
work now also here dedicated to them, with the assur- 
ance that never has that banner been dishonored by de- 
feat, trailed in the dust, or turned against them or their 
friends in the many contests over which it has waived. 
Be ever faithful to your principles and friends, is the 
last best wish uttered and watchword given from, 

Yours truly, 

S. S. Bloom, 

Shelby, Ohio. 
June i, 1900. 



Advertisement. 

This work is a compendium of the leading principles 
announced by Democratic Presidents, Congressional 
Caucuses, and National Democratic Conventions during 
the past one hundred years ; to which added of cardinal 
Democratic principles, as distinguished from those pre- 
vailing in Monarchical governments ; together with a few 
chapters referring to measures of more recent public 
concern and present importance, explanatory of the 
positions held thereon by the American Democracy. 

Its object is to gather all these into the smallest pos- 
sible compass, at the least cost, so that these sound Demo- 
cratic principles of public policy may be within the reach 
of all. By thus summing up those adhered to during the 
past one hundred years, freighted with the experience of 
the best minds, of the most intelligent, considerate stal- 
wart Democrats of a century, may thus more easily be 
transmitted to future generations, stamped by the ex- 
perience of those gone before us, upon their earnest 
recommendation and approval, as acknowledged princi- 
ples of the American Democracy. 

The hope is that the present generation may study 
them well, and thus preserve the unity, power, and in- 
fluence of the great party in years to come; and to pre- 
vent its members from deserting the main column as it 



6 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

goes marching on through the ages, knowing what they 
believe in, and the reasons for their faith in them, and 
not go scouting, by detachments, after single measures, 
however plausible they may be presented, to be led into 
ambush, and captured by the general opponents; or by 
thus weakening the main column, betray their friends 
into defeat. 



CONTENTS. 



Chapter 


I. 


Chapter 


II. 


Chapter 


III. 


Chapter 


IV. 


Chapter 


V. 


Chapter 


VI. 


Chapter 


VII. 


Chapter 


VIII. 


Chapter 


IX. 


Chapter 


X. 


Chapter 


XI. 


Chapter 


XII. 


Chapter 


XIII. 


Chapter 


XIV. 


Chapter 


XV. 



Page. 
Introduction 9 

Duty of Voters 14 

Origin of Democracy 21 

Principles of Early Leaders. . 27 

Congressional and Conventional 

Platforms 1800 to 1900 48, 114 

Further Principles of Party 114, 121 

Cardinal Principles 122 

Rationale of Democracy 158 

Summary of Democracy 170 

Currency and Coinage 174 

Paper Money Plans 181 

National Bank Currency 183 

New Issues 187 

Encouragement and Conclusion 189 

Addenda — Monroe Doctrine 191 



CHAPTER I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The Democractic party in the United States has now 
been in existence as a political power, for about one 
hundred years. Like many other things done, without 
much reflection at the time, the reasoning of Thomas 
Jefferson, and his labors to promulgate his views, have 
far outstripped his most sanguine expectations. The 
good he then did, cannot ever now be estimated, and 
future ages only will record the mighty results which 
his efforts inaugurated. It is not the design of the 
writer to attempt anything like a history of the party of 
which Jefferson is the acknowledged founder; space 
allotted would be utterly insufficient for that purpose ; 
but it is only intended to group under appropriate heads, 
the principles which he and his compeers, successors and 
supporters avowed and promulgated, in as brief a space 
as possible ; so that the young men of the present genera- 
tion may in the briefest possible time, and in the cheapest 
possible manner, become more fully acquainted with 
them; and what is more to the purpose, that they may 
be guided by them, enforce them during their lives, and 
hand them down to future generations, unimpaired, that 
the blessings flowing from the exercise of those princi- 
ples may exert their influence in the establishment and 
maintainance of free government down to the latest per- 
iod of time. The writer claims no credit whatever, as the 
author of those principles. He regards himself simply 
as the instrument used in again recording and com- 



10 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

piling them, that others may have the full benefit thereof, 
in guiding their political actions through life. 

About twenty years ago, he compiled a similar work 
called "Why We Are Democrats/' and much of that he 
may now desire to make use of in order to carry out his 
present intentions. He cannot expect to reach even a 
moiety of such as he could desire to influence, still when 
once words are spoken or printed, they go out into the 
world on a mission, and no one can estimate the good re- 
sults that may tiow from their utterance. As such we send 
them out, w T ith the hope that great good results may flow 
from their publication. 

Hon. William Allen, once a Democratic leader in 
Ohio, and a noted United States Senator, subsequently in 
his old age elected Governor, once uttered such a beauti- 
ful description of Democracy in the abstract, that we 
cannot forego the pleasure of inserting them here again. 
He said "Democracy is a sentiment not to be appalled, 
"corrupted, or compromised. It knows no baseness ; it 
"cowers to no danger ; it oppresses no weakness, fearless, 
"generous and humane ; it rebukes the arrogant, cherishes 
"honor, and sympathizes with the humble. It 
"asks nothing but what it concedes; it concedes 
"nothing but what it demands. Destructive only of 
"despotism, it is the sole conservator of liberty, labor 
"and property. It is the sentiment of freedom, of equal 
"rights and equal obligations. It is the law of nature 
"pervading the land. The stupid, the selfish, and the 
"base in spirit may denounce it as a vulgar thing; but in 
"the history of our race the Democratic principle has 
"developed and illustrated the highest moral and intellec- 
tual attributes of our nature. It is a noble, a sublime 
"sentiment which expands our affections, enlarges the 
"circle of our sympathies, and elevates the soul of man, 
"until claiming an equality with the best, it rejects as 
"unworthy of its dignity, any political immunities over 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 11 

"the humblest of his fellows. Yes, it is an ennobling 
"principle; and may that spirit which animated our 
"revolutionary Fathers in their contest for its establish- 
"ment, continue to animate us, their sons, in the im- 
"pending struggle for its preservation/' 

Thus eloquently spoke that honored and revered mem- 
ber of the Democratic party, years ago, who came very 
near being made the Democratic candidate for President 
by the convention which nominated Franklin Pierce. 

Another honored member of the party, Hon. Geo. 
Hoadly, declared concerning the principles of "Old" De- 
mocracy. 

"They are eternal — a Divine fire burning in the hearts 
of men. They quicken the thoughts of the statesman, 
nerve the arm of the soldier, and double the energies of 
the toiler. They are found in the self-evident truth of 
the American patriot who declared that all men are 
created equal. Democracy is the unrelenting foe of 
despotism and communism, whether open or sought to be 
hidden under the disguise of paternal govenment. Its 
beneficent office in political affairs is to secure to every 
man the utmost possible liberty of action consistent with 
equal liberty to every other. It is not the office of the 
Democratic party to invent, but to promulgate — not to 
discover, but to declare those eternal principles, and to 
apply them to the ever-changing affairs of human 
society. 

Old — eternal Democracy is founded on the living law 
of political affairs — that the largest liberty should be 
every man's heritage, consistent with law and order. 
Therefore it is that the Democratic party stands for the 
individual against the encroachments of the state, for the 
rights of the states against the encroachments of the 
federal government ; for home rule against foreign inter- 
fere 1 ,} cc and aggression. Its corner stone is the principle 
of the capability of individual man, with the aid 
of Divine grace, to govern himself, and of each 



12 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

individual man united in society to govern society with 
the least possible interference from society with the in- 
dividual concerns of man. Therefore it stands for per- 
sonal liberty as against aristocracy, which stands for an 
impudent attempt of those who style themselves the best, 
to interfere w r ith the liberties of those whom they choose 
to think their inferiors. 

The Democratic party dates, therefore, from every 
attempt to interfere with liberty; it is the resistance to 
that interference with liberty which means Democracy. 
It dates in our own government from the differences of 
opinion which those great, leaders, Jefferson and Hamil- 
ton entertained with regard to the scope and duty of civil 
government. Hamilton was the regulating, ordaining, 
and controlling mind on the one side, and on the other 
was Jefferson, the philosophical statesman, who never at- 
tempted to regulate nor control, but who with great quiet 
energy of infusing principles, enabled popular rights to 
take care of themselves. From these two great statesmen 
arose two great parties— the Jeffersonian and Hamilton- 
ian, and today they stand in conflict with each other as 
completely as at the time when Mr. Jefferson was elected. 

Those two parties — one favoring a Paternal govern- 
ment, seeking to regulate from above — the other, Dem- 
ocratic, favoring equal rights, seeking to spread their 
beneficent influence around — these are the two hostile 
and conflicting views which are arrayed against each 
other. 

When any new idea is suggested, one can tell in a 
moment whether the man advancing it be a Democrat in 
sentiment, or the opposite in his ideas, by the proposed 
plan of action, the manner in which the idea of control 
should be applied. The men who believe in the precepts 
of Jefferson, who believe that each man is clothed with 
Divine endowments with the largest measure of liberty 
which is consistent with law and order ; that each man 
is the best judge of what he believes will benefit himself, 
so far as, in so doing, he does not interfere with the 
liberty and rights of others. " 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 13 

These sentiments meet a proud response in the hearts 
of millions of Democrats and yet how many really know 
what Democracy means ? They are members of the party 
which bears that ennobling name, and promulgates these 
glorious sentiments of free government among men ; 
they are enthusiastic in its support, but they have given 
the matter too little thought, have spent too little time 
in their investigation to be fully informed of the very prin- 
ciples which they profess to love, revere and support. 

They have had opportunity to know but little of the 
reasons which influenced the founders of that party when 
first organized, and when its great leaders first began to 
administer government in accordance with its doctrines. 
Believing that many who have hitherto opposed its prin- 
ciples and its policy would.be glad to have an opportunity 
to review the grounds upon which the faith of the Ameri- 
can Democracy rests, the writer has prepared the follow- 
ing pages as a brief compend of those principles which 
have controlled the actions of eminent Democratic states- 
men in the past, and which now prompt the actions of 
the honest, true-hearted faithful adherents of that party, 
— principles which its leaders must uphold and defend, 
if they would be instrumental in perpetuating, not only 
the great party to which they belong, but the government 
itself, which was so firmly established upon those great 
principles of human liberty, and which, as a system, is 
the very corner stone upon which the whole fabric rests. 



CHAPTER II. 

DEMOCRATS SHOULD INFORM THEMSELVES. 

Democrats cannot be too well informed on the subject 
of their party principles. They should, by studying them, 
secure themselves against division in their ranks. It is 
simple justice to themselves, to be so properly informed; 
it is due their manhood; due the dignity of American 
citizens, that they have knowledge on this subject, in 
order that they may render a clear, logical, and concise 
reason for every political action they perform — for every 
ballot they deposit. All have not had the opportunity so 
to inform themselves ; they have not access to the deposi- 
tories of this knowledge, and must depend upon political 
speeches delivered during heated campaigns, or from the 
columns of political newspapers, published by leading and 
eminent Democratic leaders ; hence it is that a calm, de- 
liberate discussion and statement of the elementary prin- 
ciples of Democracy, in their homes and by their firesides, 
is what the voters so much need, that they, too, may learn 
of those principles, which actuated the founders of the 
great Democratic party, when they first expounded them 
to the voters of the country ; and that they may by their 
intelligent votes favor that party with their support, 
which for a century, whether in or out of power, has more 
or less influenced the administration of public affairs. A 
statement of those principles, gathered from authentic 
sources, published in a compact and convenient form, 
with such explanations as may suggest themselves, it is 
believed will supply this need, so that all who aspire to 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 15 

become intelligent Democratic voters, may know the ele- 
mentary principles upon which their faith is founded. 
Those who have xot heretofore supported that 

PARTY SHOULD KNOW THE REASON WHY ! They should 

know the reasons which call forth so much enthusiasm at 
every returning national election. It is always wise to 
fully comprehend the positions of our opponents. Why 
should not those wdio oppose Democracy, know their 
reasons for being Democrats? If those reasons are un- 
sound, they will be all the better prepared to overcome 
our arguments, by first knowing what they are. It is an 
evidence of weakness in their cause, if they refuse to do 
this. It is an evidence of confident strength in their 
cause, when they challenge an investigation ; it shows 
that they are at least honest, and sincere, in what they pro- 
fess to believe. 

Xot everything which assumes to be democratic 
is so ! Hypocrisy is said to be the compliment which vice 
pays to virtue. Things most rare and valuable are us- 
ually the first to be counterfeited. A mere name does 
not, demonstrate a principle. Intelligent men dive be- 
neath the surface to ascertain from what motives profes- 
sions proceed, and they very reasonably look to the meas- 
ures advocated and actions performed, to discover upon 
what principles they are founded, before they will give 
adherence to or advocate them as being best calculated 
to bring peace, happiness and prosperity to the masses. 
Party names therefore do not always represent what they 
express in words. These sometimes change, and even 
political parties may assume to change their names and 
principles. Democratic principles are ever the same, and 
herein lies the beauty and strength, and durability of the 
Democratic party. In free governments like ours, in the 



J 6 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

varied questions which constantly arise, consequent upon 
the ever-changing circumstances of the case, new applica- 
tions of old and well established rules must necessarily 
arise. It therefore becomes a patriotic duty, which every 
citizen owes to his country, to be well informed concern- 
ing the principles and methods adopted by political par- 
ties, so that when he identifies himself with any party, he 
may feel at ease within its ranks, and be able to con- 
scientiously maintain and support it before his fellow 
men. 

It is to aid somewhat the inquiring reader in this work 
of investigation, that the writer invites the voters of all 
parties to examine the principles and policy of the great 
Democratic party, that each may know the reasons why, 
and when convinced, give that assent to its doctrines, ab- 
solutely necessary to maintain its organization. 

It should be the aim of every voter — the laudable ambi- 
tion of every citizen — to cast his ballot at every election, 
so as to give to his mind the strongest possible assurance 
that the policy proposed bv his party will result in the 
greatest good to the greatest number of his fellow men. 
It should be the ambition of every voter who has little 
else to do in the administration of public affairs than to 
cast an intelligent ballot, that he should vote wisely and 
patriotically. That ends the sovereign power of the voter 
until the return of another election. Those he aids in 
electing to office are, it is true, his public servants, but 
they are also the chosen agents of his sovereign will, and 
it therefore becomes a matter of great importance to him 
to know not only for whom he votes, but, also upon what 
principles he for whom he votes casts his ballots, or in 
what manner he proposes to administer this great trust. 
It is only by electing such agents as most nearly repre- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 17 

sent his views that he can make his sovereign power to 
be felt; it becomes important, therefore, for him to know 
not only why he himself is a Democrat, but that he for 
whom he votes is also a Democrat. 

In order to enable the intelligent voter the more readily 
to comprehend the difference between the parties, and to 
learn from the public expressions by candidates and from 
party platforms what the views of such party representa- 
tives really are, and upon what principles they are 
founded, this little book is written. From its pages we 
trust they may learn what the creed of the Democratic 
party really is, and whether those which are announced 
as Democratic principles really are such or not ; and that 
if any, as Jefferson has so tersely stated it, "in moments 
"of doubt or alarm have really wandered away from them, 
"that they may hasten their return to the well beaten 
"path of a genuine Democracy." The writer indulges 
the hope, that before they have concluded the perusal of 
these pages, they will have learned that the Democratic 
party has always had, and now has, a clear and well de- 
fined system of government and policy of administering 
the same upon every question of state or national import ; 
and that they have good and substantial reasons for each 
and every measure of public policy, founded upon these 
fundamental principles of Democracy, in perfect accord 
with the best experience of past ages, all in perfect har- 
mony with the true spirit of our Democratic-Republican 
institutions. 

It is no blind adherence to party idols — the mere pop- 
ular worship of so-called great men — that makes men 
Democrats ; but it is their belief in certain principles upon 
which a free government should be administered, and 
which to them promises the highest good to themselves 
2 



18 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

and their fellow men, that impels them to associate to- 
gether for the purpose of promoting their desires. It is 
principle which makes men Democrats, and it is their ad- 
herence to those principles which makes the Democracy 
the organized power in the land which it always has been. 
It is to a study of these principles our readers are invited 
while perusing these pages. 

The principles and traditionary policy of the 
democracy should be WELL understood — defined and 
implicitly adhered to. A wise general policy on almost 
every question liable to arise has been marked out by the 
Fathers of the Constitution. They framed and put into 
successful operation a century ago, a Government, so well 
provided with checks and balances against the exercise of 
arbitrary power, for the protection of the lives, liberties 
and property of the people, that if properly administered, 
it is, we confidently believe, the best form of government 
ever devised by man. It is a claim the Democratic party 
has ever put forward, that their principles have been more 
in accord with the true theory upon which that Govern- 
ment is founded, than those of any other party organiza- 
tion, and that in accordance with those principles, and 
upon the policy thus marked out, our government can 
alone be smoothly and successfully administered. 

A party in order to be successful, must educate its. 
adherents into a clear knowledge of its aims and purposes ; 
and they must earnestly believe in the justness and cor- 
rectness of those principles. The Democracy, then, must 
know what they believe, and be acquainted with the 
reasons why they believe in those principles ; and then, 
being convinced that the happiness, comfort and welfare 
of themselves and their posterity depend upon the appli- 
cation of those principles to the administration of public 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 19 

affairs, they possess one of the strongest incentives to 
labor for their ultimate triumph. Such a party cannot be 
broken up and destroyed while the government continues 
to exist. Therefore a wise general policy has been 
marked out by the Democracy, by which they propose to 
administer the affairs of government. Without funda- 
mental principles a party cannot long exist. A party 
founded upon a single idea, necessarily must be, short 
lived. One great reason why the Democratic party has 
so long existed under that name, and has so successfully 
perpetuated itself for a century in the United States is 
due to these reasons. It has always mantained a code of 
principles, transmitted from one generation to another, 
and hence to-day maintains the same general fundamental 
principles, and proposes to pursue the same policy under 
similar conditions which the founders of the party pro- 
claimed a century ago. By the application of these prin- 
ciples, and the pursuit of this policy, they have sought to 
administer the affairs of this government, and so long as 
they were strictly adhered to, peace, happiness and gen- 
eral prosperity prevailed ; and will continue to do so in 
the future. 

The fact that these principles are scattered through 
the records of the past — oftimes inaccessible to the masses 
— is one reason why they are not now so generally known 
by the people ; and the. fact that they have been practically 
out of power, in the administration of the Federal gov- 
ernment for a season, has prevented these principles from 
being so thoroughly impressed upon the great mass of 
the people as in former years. There is therefore a 
greater necessity for a revival of this knowledge, — a more 
general diffusion of those principles, than when its faith- 



20 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

ful leaders were at the head of public affairs, where they 
could apply those principles to the administration of pub- 
lic affairs and the people learn, almost by intuition, what 
now must be sought for more by research and investiga- 
tion. With the increased light shed upon the nation by 
the more general diffusion of knowledge, should come a 
more thorough knowledge of the principles which under- 
lie free Democratic government. The area over which 
our government exerts its influence having been many 
times multiplied, and the intelligence of the people greatly 
increased in other things, there is therefore all the more 
necessity for a better knowledge of Democratic principles, 
and a more strict application of them to the affairs of a 
government derived from the people, over this vast ex- 
tent of territory, now almost embracing the entire conti- 
nent of North America, and some of the isles of the sea. 
For these, and many other reasons which might be ad- 
duced, the principles of the American Democracy should 
be well understood — yea they should be better understood 
than ever before, during the history of our country. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE ORIGIN OF DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 
THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES 

may be traced far back in the history of ancient govern- 
ments. Their origin — the very dawning of their light — 
may be seen in the free governments of ancient Greece 
and Rome. They may be found shining more and more 
along succeeding ages, through the annals of the British 
government- -bursting with increased brilliancy over the 
events at the granting of Magna Charta on the banks of 
Runnymede where first they were wrested from the En- 
glish crown, and along the line of the ages, until planted 
upon American soil by reason of the attempted oppression 
of the mother country, and for more than a century nur- 
tured and cultivated along the Atlantic coast, preceding 
the American revolution. Even in colonial times here in 
the western wilds of America, governments were estab- 
lished as a means of protection "of the people, by the peo- 
ple, and for the people ;" and this, even when the British 
sovereign still pretended to possess the power to grant 
these God-given rights to his dutiful subjects. But when 
the Declaration of American Independence was first writ- 
ten and thundered into the ears of the mightiest govern- 
ment then on earth : when they were watered by the blood 
shed through a long and tedious war, and finally estab- 
lished in the Constitution of the United States, the prin- 
ciples of the American Democracy began first to be for- 
mulated into something like a substantial political system, 
from which began to flow tangible results designed to bless 



22 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the whole world by their beneficent influences. A Dem- 
ocrat must thoroughly believe in the principles declared 
and established in those immortal documents drafted by 
American Democrats, and from them he must draw his 
political inspirations ; in them he finds his first lessons of 
instruction, and upon them must be founded his political 
faith. They have stood the test for over a hundred years 
in America, and the application thereof has never failed 
to produce beneficent results whenever justly applied. 
They have proved themselves efficient in stilling the tem- 
pest of civil war, and how often they have saved internal 
strife and bloodshed, none can ever know. 

In these documents and the Bill of Rights preceding 
them, can be found the best compend of Democratic doc- 
trines ever promulgated by mortal men. These were 
framed exclusively for the people, by the agents of the 
people, and adopted by the people for the protection of the 
liberties of themselves and their posterity. These immor- 
tal men had studied well the history of ancient free gov- 
ernments ; and directed by what seems more than human 
wisdom, even though enlightened by the experience of 
past ages, they placed, as the foundation of that Consti- 
tution those inalienable rights and privileges of freemen 
which arbitrary power can never successfully or long wrest 
from them while the people remain true to themselves, 
and faithful to their political trusts. They drafted those 
documents in such plain and simple terms that it would 
seem no one could misunderstand their meaning, and 
though the area of territory over which the states have 
now extended, reaching far over the plains of the then 
unknown west, and to them a foreign country, and still 
extending to the far ofif shores of the Pacific, "and the 
isles of the sea," they seem to be as applicable to-day as 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 23 

they were when first engrossed for formal adoption. 
Their provisions are too plain to be misunderstood, and 
it is this what Democrats mean when they say that they 
adhere to "a strict construction of the Constitution," be- 
cause they believe human rights and liberties have the 
same old foes to contend against, and having safely guided 
the ship of state on its hitherto almost unparalleled pros- 
perous voyage, they are unwilling to change its principles, 
but bid it Godspeed through the ages to come, that it may 
serve the same blessed purposes down to the latest period 
of time. Democrats have in these revered documents a 
compendium of first principles of free government, to 
which they cannot too often resort when embarrassed by 
doubts as to what course to pursue in seasons of difficulty 
and trouble. Hence it is that the frequent perusal and 
study of the symbols of Democracy — the Declaration of 
Independence, and the Constitution of the United States 
— is earnestly urged upon those who would study the prin- 
ciples of the party more in detail than our space will per- 
mit within the compass of this work. 

When an unprejudiced voter has fully informed him- 
self of the principles of the Democratic party, he will find 
no reason to be ashamed of joining its fortunes, and es- 
pousing its cause. Rather will he become proud of the 
fact, that he sustains an organization, which represents 
principles, without the practice of which neither our own, 
nor the enlightened nations of the earth in other lands, 
would be what they are to-day; rather should he be 
ashamed when requested so to do, to be unable to render 
a reason for his political faith. 

The writer does not urge this duty upon others because 
he claims to be the author or expounder of those prin- 
ciples,but only the medium through whom they have been 



24 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

gathered from various sources where found, and the pub- 
lication of them in this convenient form for the benefit of 
thousands of such, who are Democrats, and who, desiring 
to be honest with themselves, can be nothing else in sen- 
timent but who have no other means by which to have 
clearly set before them the principles they have espoused, 
and which they desire to see applied in the administration 
of public affairs. 

These principles of Democracy are found in Magna 
Charta ; the Declaration of Independence ; the Constitu- 
tion of the United States ; in the farewell address of 
Washington ; in the messages of the early Presidents ; in 
the speeches of great senators and public speakers, as well 
as in the columns of Democratic newspapers and the plat- 
forms of party conventions. They are the heritage left 
us by the great leaders of public sentiment anterior to the 
formation of our government, in their contest against tyr- 
anny and oppression — kingly powers and imperial pre- 
rogatives. Growing with the growth of freedom in all 
ages, they form a part of the his'tory of our race in its 
progress from the darkness and superstition of barbarism, 
to the present high position of enlightenment and civil- 
zation. How then could the ordinary reader, who is com- 
pelled to toil from day to day to support himself and fam- 
ily, ever expect to acquaint himself with them by detail, 
when he has neither the time nor means to search for 
them among the musty records of the past? It is simply 
impossible, were it not for a work like this. 

The strength of the Democratic party, so far as 
mere numbers is concerned, is in the toiling millions 
of our country, and in truth it should be equally 
strong in the general intelligence of the voters on the sub- 
ject of those principles; because in the justness, the cor- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 25 

rectness and imperative necessity of the application of 
ihose principles in the administration of free government, 
lies the real strength of the Democratic party. It there- 
fore becomes the duty of the members of that party, when 
they thus have brought together, in a brief codified, con- 
solidated form, these principles, by means of which they 
may the more easily learn and comprehend them, to> give 
some little attention to acquire a better knowledge of 
them. 

Surely sufficient time to peruse these pages can be 
gained from the hours of labor, and it certainly is the im- 
perative duty of every freeman to learn more of the ad- 
ministration of public affairs, in order to promote his own 
welfare, and transmit to posterity the beneficent form of 
government bequeathed to us by the Democratic Fathers 
of the Republic. 

There is another reason why it is the duty of Dem- 
ocrats to be well informed as to their recognized princi- 
ples. Xot everything which claims to be Democracy, is 
always such, in the popular acceptation of the term. As 
an illustration may be cited the maxim, "that the ma- 
jority must rule" — which it is true is a recognized Dem- 
ocratic doctrine ; but if taken in its absolute sense, with- 
out reference to constitutional limitations, the doctrine 
might degenerate into mere Communism, which is by no 
means Democracy as understood by the party. Com- 
munism elevates the state above the citizen; Democracy 
elevates the citizen, shields him in his personal rights, and 
makes him a freeman indeed. Thus it is that care must 
be taken to distinguish the true from the false Democ- 
racy, and in order to do this it becomes our duty to 
correctly inform ourselves as to what really is the gen- 
uine article. Intelligent men are obliged to go beneath 



26 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the surface, and ascertain from the principles professed, 
and the acts performed by political parties, whether their 
policies are founded on correct principles and will have 
the desired effect in bringing peace, happiness and pros- 
perity to the masses affected by them. It is to aid the 
reader in this work that he is invited to examine the prin- 
ciples of the National Democratic Party, in order to know 
for himself whether his mind can give assent to its policy 
or not. 

With this exhortation by way of introduction, we are 
prepared to enter upon the earliest announcement in 
America, by great Democratic-Republican leaders, of the 
principles of the great Democratic Party. 




GEORGE WASHINGTON 



CHAPTER IV. 

DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES AS PROCLAIMED BY EARLY 
LEADERS. 

While it is true that Democratic Principles, in direct 
opposition to Monarchical systems of Government are 
older than Republican forms of Government in America, 
reference is here only made to the principles of the Demo- 
cratic party since that time and as now existing in the 
United States. The first party organization is to be 
traced as being in opposition to the original Federalists, 
and for these we must look to the enunciations of them, 
to the earlier Democratic Presidents. Their declarations 
have always been held, as it were, sacred by the Demo- 
cracy. 

PRINCIPLES OF WASHINGTON. 

Washington lived before the days of party politics. 
He exemplified his principles by his conduct, whether at 
the head of the army or of the civil administration. He 
had studied well the principles of free governments in 
former ages, and was well grounded in the faith. In his 
farewell address to the American people he left a legacy 
any party might well be proud of. Not because he was 
at the head of a so-called Democratic or Republican or any 
party, but because the few fundamental principles upon 
which rested the perpetuity of the Union, which he an- 
nounced have always been a part of the faith of the Dem- 
ocracy, does it become appropriate here to insert those 
principles. No person can be a sound Democrat, who 



28 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

cannot give unqualified assent to them. In substance he 
announced the following principles : 

"The union of the government is the main pillar 
in THE Edifice OF our real independence. The sup- 
port of our tranquility at home, our peace abroad, of our 
safety and our prosperity — yea of the very liberty all so 
highly prize/' 

He warned his countrymen that from different causes 
and from different quarters, great pains would be taken 
(as was the case three-quarters of a century after that), 
and many artifices would be employed to weaken the 
minds of the people, the conviction of this great truth. He 

TOLD THEM THAT THIS WAS A POINT IN THEIR POLITI- 
CAL FORTRESS AGAINST WHICH THE BATTERIES OF INTER- 
NAL AND EXTERNAL ENEMIES WOULD MOST CONSTANTLY 
AND MOST ACTIVELY, THOUGH COVERTLY AND INSID- 
IOUSLY, DIRECT THEIR ASSAULTS. 

He entreated them to cherish a cordial, habitual and 
immovable attachment to the Union; accustoming them 
to think and speak of it as the palladium of their political 
safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever might even 
suggest a suspicion that it could in any event be aban- 
doned JAND INDIGNANTLY FROWN UPON THE FIRST DRAW- 
ING OF EVERY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ANY PORTION OF 
OUR COUNTRYMEN FROM THE REST OR TO ENFEEBLE THE 
SACRED TIES WHICH LINK TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS 
OF OUR COMMON COUNTRY. 

Whether he called himself a Democrat or not makes 
no difference — this principle of cherishing an absolute 
devotion to the existence of the Union, under one form 
of government, is a sacred Democratic principle that 
must be subscribed to by every citizen of this great Re- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 29 

public who aspires to be called an American Democrat. 
It is because Domecrats have ever entertained the same 
convictions, and (save by men who called themselves 
Democrats, but had forgotten or disregarded the warn- 
ing voice of Washington, and went into a rebellion 
against the government, thereby seeking to> destroy the 
Union) have ever been true to these principles, and above 
all other parties, most profoundly impressed with the 
truth of this doctrine, that they have been Democrats. 

Washington sought by most cogent arguments to im- 
press upon his countrymen, that all parts of the country, 
North, South, East and West, had a common destiny and 
a common interest in the general welfare of every other 
section, and because each added strength and security 
to the other, and in this sense the Union was the main 
prop of our liberties, so that the love for one should en- 
dear to the people the preservation of the other, and thus 
become the primary object of patriotic desire. 

Democrats believe all this; and though the party itself 
became distracted, and many of its adherents were 
dragged into a rebellion, still, as soon as miltary force 
was overcome and the conviction of the mind could be 
freely exercised, even those again became as ardently at- 
tached to the Union as any other portion of our people, 
and since the closeofthe war have sought by every means 
within their power to bring together and bind more 
closely the whole people of this Union in the bonds of a 
fraternal brotherhood of states. 

Washington warned his countrymen against 
sectionalism ! He cautioned them that designing men, 
as they ever have, would endeavor to excite a belief that 
there was a real difference of local interest and views. 
He said one of the expedients of partyi^m would, be to 



30 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

acquire influence in one particular section, by misrepre- 
senting the opinions and aims of another section, and that 
they could not shield themselves too much against the 
jealousies and heartburnings aroused by these misrepre- 
sentations, which tended to alienate the sections from 
each other, instead of binding them more closely to- 
gether with fraternal regard and affection. It is because 
they have seen the Democratic party endeavoring by 
every possible means in its power to inculcate these same 
great truths, while its opponents have conducted them- 
selves towards one section precisely in the way and man- 
ner Washington suggested men would, that they are 
forced to be Democrats, when true to their convictions 
of right. 

He cautioned his countrymen against heaping up 

PUBLIC DEBTS FOR POSTERITY TO PAY, THUS UNGENER- 
OUSLY THROWING UPON THEM BURDENS WHICH WE, OUR- 
SELVES, should pay. This whole business of bonded 
indebtedness in un-Democratic, and ought not to be indul- 
ged in, if by any means it can be avoided. It is true that 
Democrats have been led astray by the plausible argu- 
ments of those who regarded "public debts as public 
blessings/' still the Democratic party as such, has ever 
denounced the practice, and because they have always 
coincided with Washington's teaching in this particular, 
they are Democrats. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, he 
conjured his fellow-citizens, their jealousy ought to be 
constantly awake. Numerous opportunities would be 
offered, he said, to tamper with domestic factions, to 
practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, 
to influence public counsels. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 31 

NO ATTACHMENT, THEREFORE, FOR ONE NATION TO 
THE EXCLUSION OF ANOTHER SHOULD BE TOLERATED. 

Such conduct would lead to concessions to one nation, 
and denials of privileges to others, and would invite a 
multitude of evils upon it. 

It is because this has been a fundamental principle of 
the Democratic party, who most heartly believe in the 
doctrine, hence they are Democrats. 

Washington also advised his countrymen To RESIST 

WITH CARE THE SPIRIT OF INNOVATION UPON THE PRIN- 
CIPLES ON W T HICH THE GOVERNMENT WAS FOUNDED, how- 
ever specious the pretext might be. One method of as- 
sault would be, he said, to effect under the forms of the 
Constitution, alterations which would impair the whole 
system. It is because, impressed by the truth of these 
teachings of Washington, the Democratic party has op- 
posed amendments constantly being proposed, that they 
are Democrats, believing that in this they adhere more 
strictly to the teachings of Washington, than any other 
party. 

Believing therefore that the principles of Washington 
are correct and true, worthy to be practiced and in ac- 
cord with the principles of free government, they are not 
ashamed to avow them as Democratic. 

It would be well if Democrats more closely studied 
these Washingtonian principles, and in deciding ques- 
tions, of public policy, and measures designed for the 
welfare of the people, would apply these doctrines, and 
we doubt not that they would invariably arrive at a cor- 
rect conclusion. 



32 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 



THJ) PRINCIPLES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Although not called a Democrat in a party sense, yet 
Thomas Jefferson as a Republican-Democrat, opposed 
the policy avowed and maintained by Alexander Hamil- 
ton while a member of Washington's Cabinet, he was 
the best expounder of Principles since avowed by the 
Democratic party, among all the revolutionary sages. 

In his writings and official messages as President, we 
find frequent allusions to, and a rigid application of them 
in the administration of public affairs, so that he has been 
called "the Father of the Democratic party." It was pe- 
culiarly appropriate that he should do so, because, though 
early in the history of our government, yet anti-Demo- 
cratic principles were already slowly creeping into the 
administration of public affairs, under the administration 
of the elder Adams, so that it required vigorous opposi- 
tion, and determined application, to bring the govern- 
ment back once more, to be administered in accordance 
with the pure principles of a representative Democratic 
government. 

In his inaugural address, delivered tio Congress on 
March 4, 1801, the commencement, as well of a new 
century, as of a new era in our government, President 
Jefferson announced the following fundamental doctrines 
of Democracy, which, he said, he deemed essential prin- 
ciples of our government, which should guide him in 
its administration. He compressed them withirt the* 
smallest possible compass, stating only the general prin- 
ciples, but not all their limitations : 

1. Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever 
state or persuasion, religious or political. 




THOMAS JEFFERSON 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 33 

2. Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all 
nations : entangling alliance with none. 

3. The support of the State governments in all their 
rights,, as the most competent administrators of our do- 
mestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-Re- 
publican tendencies. 

4. The preservation of the general government in its 
whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our 
peace at home, and safety abroad. ! . 

5. A jealous care of the right of election by the 
people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are 
lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable means 
are unprovided. 

6. Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the ma- 
jority, the vital principles of republics, from which there 
is no appeal but to force the vital principle, and immed- 
iate parent of depostism. — (This, of course, subject to 
constitutional limitations.) 

7. A well disciplined militia, our best reliance in 
peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may 
relieve them. 

8. The supremacy of the civil over the military au- 
thority. 

9. Economy in the public expenses, that labor may be 
lightly burthened. 

10. The honest payment of our debts, and the sacred 
preservation of the public faith. 

11. Encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce 
as its handmaid. 

12. The diffusion of information, and arraigment of 
all abuses at the bar of public reason. 

13. Freedom of religion. 

14. Freedom of the press. 



34 THE) AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

15. Freedom of the person, under the protection of 
the habeas corpus. 

16. Trial by juries, impartially selected. 

These principles, said Jefferson, "form the bright con- 
stellation, which has gone before us, and guided our steps 
through the age of revolution and reformation. The 
wisdom of our sages, and the blood of our heroes, have 
been devoted to their attainment. They should be the 
creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, 
the touchstone by which to try the services of those we 
trust; and should we wander from them in moments of 
error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to 
regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and 
safety." 

Democrats believe those fundamental principles to be 
true, and therefore hold them in high esteem. 

MADTSONIAN PRINCIPLES. 

Democrats believe in a full, unequivocal, and hearty 
support of the Constitution, in a strict construction of \t r 
and in the spirit and the purpose for for which it was 
formed, and in Madison, also, who took such a deep in- 
terest in its formation, as to be called "the Father of the 
Constitution/' they have another exponent of sound 
Democratic principles. 

He knew well the principles on which that constitution 
was founded. He had studied the rise, progress, decay 
and fall of every free government which had gone before, 
and profiting by the very misfortunes of other nations, 
he had secured in the adoption of our Constitution, such 
principles as he fondly believed would prevent us as a 
people from falling into similar errors. Standing upon 
the threshold of his great office, as President of the United 
States, succeeding Jefferson, he announced the following 




JAMES MADISON 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 35 

as additional principles, vital to the welfare of the Amer- 
ican people, in their intercourse with foreign nations. 
They were in part but the echoes, of what came from the 
lips of Washington and Jefferson, and became the policy 
of the Democratic party ever since. He announced them 
as follows : 

i. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all 
nations having a corresponding disposition. 

2. To maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent 
nations. 

3. To prefer, in ail cases, amicable discussions and 
reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision 
of them by an appeal to arms. 

4. To exclude foreign intrigues, and foreign partial- 
ities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free 
ones. 

5. To foster a spirit of independence, too just to in- 
vade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our 
own; too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices our- 
selves, and not too elevatel to look down upon them in 
others. 

6. To hold the Union of the States as the basis of 
their peace and happiness. 

7. To support the Constitution which is the cement 
of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its author- 
ities. 

. 8. To respect the rights and authorities reserved to 
the states and the people, as equally incorporated with 
and essential to the success of the general system. 

9. To avoid the slighest interferences with the rights 
of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely ex- 
empted from civil jurisdiction. 



36 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

10. To preserve in their full energy the salutary pro- 
visions in behalf of private and personal rights, and the 
freedom of the press. 

ii. To observe economy in public expenditures. 

12. To liberate public resources by an honorable dis- 
charge of the public debts. 

13. To keep within the requisite limits a standing 
military force — always remembering, that an armed and 
trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics. 

14. That without standing armies their liberties can 
never be in danger, nor with large ones, safe. 

15. To promote by authorized means improvements 
friendly to agriculture, to commerce, to manufactures, 
and to external as well as internal commerce. 

16. To favor in like manner the advancement of 
science and the diffusion of information, as the best ali- 
ment of true liberty. 

17. To carry on benevolent plans for the conversion 
of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and 
wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the im- 
provements of which the human mind and manners are 
susceptible in a civilized state. 

In one of his messages he also laid down the principle, 
that a zveil-instructed people alone can be permanently 
free. 

J ACKSONIAN PRINCIPLES. 

In the principles of Andrew Jackson the Democracy 
take great pride. From his Inaugural Address on March 
4, 1829, to the close of his administration of eight 
years, in every message to Congress he uttered Demo- 
cratic sentiments in a terse, vigorous style, which, on 
account of their self-evident truth deeply rooted them- 




ANDREW JACKSON 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 37 

selves in American hearts, and became the principles of 
the Democratic party, which during his administration 
first took that name, and which it has) held ever since. 
They are found scattered all through his messages, and 
were his guide in deciding all questions of national 
policy, so many of which pressed themselves upon him 
during his term of office. From these the following may 
be selected and placed in order, which should be 
thoroughly studied and applied to all questions which 
may even now arise. 

i. He said: ''Regard' should be had for the rights 
of the several States, taking care not to confound the 
powers reserved to them, with those they had in the Con- 
stitution granted to the general government/' 

2. In every aspect of the case, advantage must result 
from strict and faithful enconomy in the administration 
of public affairs. 

3. He declared the unnecessary duration of the pub- 
lic debt incompatible with real independence. 

4. In the adjustment of a tariff for revenue, he in- 
sisted that a spirit of equity, caution and compromise re- 
quires the great interests of agriculture, manufactures 
and commerce to be equally favored. 

5. He admitted the policy of internal improvements 
to be wise only, in so far as they could be promoted by , 
constitutional acts of the general government. 

6. He declared standing armies to be dangerous to 
free government, and that the military should be in strict 
subordination to the civil power. 

7. He declared the National Militia to be the bul- 
wark of our national defence. In enforcing this prin- 
ciple he declared that, so long as the government was 
administered for the good of the people, and regulated 



38 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

by their will — so long as it secured to the people the 
rights of person and of property, liberty of conscience 
and of the press, the government would be worth defend- 
ing, and so long as it was worth defending, the patriotic 
militia would cover it with an impenetrable aegis. 

8. He pledged himself to the work of reform in the 
administration, so that the patronage of the general gov- 
ernment which had been brought into conflict with the 
freedom of elections, and had disturbed tjie rightful 
course of appointments, by continuing in power unfaith- 
ful and incompetent servants,' should no longer be used 
for that purpose. 

9. He declared his belief in the principle, that the 
integrity and zeal of public officers would advance the 
interests of the public service more than mere numbers. 

10. He declared the right of the people to elect a 
President, and that it was! never designed that their 
choice should in any case be defeated by the interven- 
tion of agents ; enforcing this principle by saying what 
experience had amply proved, that in proportion as 
agents were multiplied to execute the will of the people, 
there was the danger increased, that their wishes would 
be frustrated. Some may be unfaithful — all liable tjo 
error. So far then as the people were concerned, it was 
better for them to express their own will. 

11. The majority should govern. No President 
elected by a minority could so sucessfully discharge his 
duties, as he who knew he was supported by the majority 
of the people. 

12. He advocated rotation in office. Corruption, he 
said, would spring up among those in power, and there- 
fore he thought appointments should not be made for a 
longer period than four years. Everybody had equal 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 39 

right to office, and he favored removals as a leading 
principle, which would give healthful action to the polit- 
ical system. 

13. He advocated unfettered commerce, free from re- 
strictive tariff laws, leaving it to flow into those natural 
channels in which individual enterprise, always the sur- 
est and safest guide, might direct it. 

14. He opposed specific tariffs, because subject to 
frequent changes, generally produced by selfish motives, 
and under such influences, could never be just and equal. 

15. The proper fostering of manufactures and com- 
merce tended to increase the value of agricultural pro- 
ducts. 

16. In cases of real doubt, as to matters of mere public 
policy, he advocated a direct appeal to the people, the 
source of all power, as the most sacred of all obligations, 

and the wisest and most safe course to pursue. 

17. He advocated a just and equitable bankrupt law, 
as beneficial to the country at large, because after the 
means to discharge debts had entirely been exhausted, 
not to discharge them, only served to dispirit the debtor, 
sink him into a state of apathy, make him a useless drone 
in society, or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling wit- 
ness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country. Op- 
pressive dejbt being the bane enterprise, it should be 
the care of the republic not to exert a grinding power 
over misfortune and poverty. 

18. He declared in favor of the principle, that no 
money should be expended, until first appropriated for 
the purpose by the legislature. The people paid the 
taxes, and their direct representatives should alone have 
the right to say what they should be taxed for, in what 
sums, and how, and when it should be paid. 



40 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

19. He titterl}' opposed the system of government 
aiding private corporations in making internal improve- 
ments. It was deceptive and conducive of improvidence 
in the expenditure of public monies. For this purpose 
appropriations could be obtained with greater facitities, 
granted with inadequate security, and frequently com- 
plicated the administration of government. 

20. The operations of the general government should 
be strictly confined to the few simple, but important ob- 
jects for which it was originally designed. 

21. He favored the veto power in the executive, but 
only to be exercised in cases of attempted violation of 
the Constitution, or in cases next to it in importance. 

22. He advocated State rights, as far as consistent 
-with the rightful action of the general government, as 
the very best means of preserving harmony between 
them : and pronounced this the true faith, and the one to 
which might be mainly attributed the success of the en- 
tire system, and to which alone we must look for stabil- 
ity in it. 

23. He advocated "a uniform and sound currency," 
but doubted the constitutionality and expediency of a 
national bank; and afterwards made his administration 
famous by successfully opposing the renewal of its 
charter. 

24. Precious metals as the only currency 
known to the CONSTITUTION. Their, peculiar prop- 
erties rendered them the standard of values in other 
countries and had been adopted in this. The experience 
of the evils of paper money had made it so obnoxious in 
the past, that the framers of the constitution had for- 
bidden its adoption as the legal tender currency of the 
country. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 41 

Variableness must ever be the characteristic of a cur- 
lency not based upon metals. Expansion and contrac- 
tion, without regard to principles which regulate the 
value of those metals, as a standard in the general trade 
of the world were, he said, extremely pernicious. 

Where these properties are not infused into the circula- 
tion, and do not control it, prices must vary, according 
to the tide of the issue; the value and stability of prop- 
erty exposed, uncertainty attending the administration 
of institutions, constantly liable to temptations of an in- 
terest distinct from that of the community at large, all 
this attended by loss to the laboring class, who have 
neither time nor opportunity to watch the ebb and flow 
of the money market. 

25. He renews his advocacy of a cheerful compliance 
with the will of the majority; and the exercise of the 
power as expressed in a spirit of moderation, justice and 
brotherly kindness, as the best means to cement, and for- 
ever preserve the Union. Those, he closes, who advo- 
cate sentiments adverse to those expressed, however 
honest, are, in effect, the worst enemies of their country. 

VIEWS OF GROVER CLEVELAND AS PRESIDENT. 

Grover Cleveland was the first Democratic President 
(elected in A. D. 1884.) after James Buchanan elected 
in A. D. 1856. He was renominated in 1888, and de- 
feated by Benj. Harrison; in 1892 he defeated Mr. Har- 
rison, serving until the 4th of March, 1897.. He was one 
of the most positive in his opinions of any former presi- 
dent ; not a man-pleaser, but fearlessly expressed his con- 
victions, regardless of what others thought or advised, 
doing what he conceived to be right. He was bitterly 
opposed at his first election by his political opponents, 
4 



42 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

and severely criticiz-d when he retired by some of his 
former adherents, as having- too little discretion, to be 
politic. Public servants feared him when in power over 
them — his administrations were free from scandals, and 
history will assign him the position of being an honest, 
fearless and courageous President. 

We have gathered a few of his declarations, to serve 
as examples. 

He declared the collection of more revenue than was 
necessary to defray the expenses of government economi- 
cally administered, multiplied a brood of evil consequen- 
ces, and that the public treasury should exist only as a 
conduit conveying the people's tribute to its legitimate 
objects of expenditure, otherwise it became a hoarding 
place for money, needlessly withdrawn from trade and 
the people's use, crippling their energies, suspending the 
country's development, preventing investments in pro- 
ductive enterprises, threatening financial dsturbances, 
and inviting schemes of public plunder. 

He deprecated the depositing of public monies in 
banks, as exceedingly objectionable, establishing a too 
close relationship between the operations of the treasury, 
and the business of the country, and fostering an unnat- 
ural reliance of private business upon public funds ; and 
^ven if remedies proposed were adopted, would afford 
only temporary relief to meet urgent necessity, while the 
effort ought to be in the opposite direction. A divorce 
should be had as fast as it could be safely done between 
the treasury, and private enterprise. 

He said the people could only be saved from future 
like troubles by removing the cause. 

He favored the taxing of tobacco, spirituous and malt 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 43 

liquors by internal revenue, as not being, strictly speak- 
ing, necessaries. 

He claimed the effect of tariff laws was to raise the 
price upon imported articles upon the consumers, and he 
said many of these articles are raised or manufactured 
in this country and duties levied upon foreign goods, 
raised prices on domestic articles, and thus it happened, 
that as millions of our people never purchased foreign 
goods of the same kind, thus large amounts were paid 
by a majority of our people, which never reached the 
treasury. He said that this was not stated by way of in- 
struction to Congress, but to remind them, that this tax- 
burden fell both upon the consumers of domestic pro- 
ducts, as well as those who purchased foreign goods. 
This burden should not be laid upon our laborers' life, as 
they were entitled to a full share of all our advantages. 
He declared as a principle, that the reduction of taxation 
demanded by the public interests, should be so measured, 
as not to necessitate or justify the loss of employment by 
the working men or lessening their wages. He there- 
fore favored the admission free of duty on raw materials 
used in the manufacturing, which could result in no loss 
to labor. 

Right here, to elucidate his idea of tariff duties, we 
desire to introduce an extract from a speech delivered 
by an old friend, as showing the precise difference be- 
tween political parties on that subject. 

Hon. A. G. Thurman, of Ohio, one of the foremost 
Democrats, and Vice-Presidential candidate in 1888,. 
said that the opponents of the Democracy desired to take 
off only the internal revenue taxation, and not to touch 
the tariff laws, while the Democracy, on the contrary, 
said that the best way to relieve an overtaxed people was 



44 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

to reduce the taxes upon the necessaries of life, rather 
than upon mere luxuries; that the best way to treat the 
people honestly, fairly and wisely was to take no more 
taxes out of their pockets, than the government actually 
needed for its legitimate expenditures. The issue then, 
he said, was fairly made up between the two great par- 
ties. It was between high tariff taxation on the one 
hand, and reasonable taxation on the other. It was be- 
tween taking the money from the people out of their own 
control, out of their pockets where it belongs, to be used 
by them as their intelligence and honesty directed, or 
burying it in the vaults of the treasury, or what would be 
still worse, squandering it upon objects without merit, 
entailing expensive habits upon the government and the 
people, and engendering unnumbered evils resulting 
upon corrupt legislation, and schemes for plundering the 
treasury for purposes foreign to the true objects of good 
government. 

After Cleveland's second election, while reasoning on 
this same subject he said, that tariff taxes were only justi- 
fiable when laid and collected for the purpose of main- 
taining our government for the accomplishment of its 
legitimate purposes and functions. This he said was 
taxation by a tariff revenue. This accorded with the 
professions of American free institutions, and its justice 
and honesty answered the test * * of the principles 
upon which those institutions rest. It enjoined, he said, 
strict economy in public expenditures, limited to legiti- 
mate public uses, exhibiting the absolute extortion by 
way of taxation from the people beyond the necessities 
of a careful proper administration of government. Op- 
posed to this theory was the dogma boldly announced of 
tariff taxation as justifiable for the express purpose and 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 45 

intent of thereby promiting special interests. Such was 
clearly contrary to the spirit of the constitution, encourag- 
ing disturbance by selfishness and greed of patriotic pub- 
lic sentiment, that its statement would rudely shock our 
people, if they had not already been insidiously lured 
from the safe landmarks of principle. 

He also said while the tariff question was a question 
of markets, it also involved a question of morals. We 
cannot he said, with impunity permit injustice to taint 
the spirit of right and equity, which is the life of our 
Republic, and would fail to reach our national destiny if 
greed and selfishness lead the way. 

He said we relied upon the intelligence of our country- 
men to reject the charge, that a majority of our people 
were planning a destruction of our industries, as we 
knew they could not be frightened by the specter of im- 
possible free trade. On the subject of currency he said 
that our people were entitled to sound and honest money 
abundantly sufficient to supply business needs. What- 
ever might be the form of the people's currency, national 
or state, goid, silver and paper, it should be so regulated 
and guarded by governmental action * * that no one 
could be deluded as to the certainty and stability of its 
value. Everv dollar in the hands of the people should be 
of the same intrinsic value and purchasing power. With 
these conditions absolutely guaranteed, both gold and 
silver could be safely utilized upon equal terms in the ad- 
justment of our currency. 

He favored the construction of the Xicaraguan ship 
canal as a means of promoting commerce between our 
states, and with foreign nations. He said it could not 
be doubted that our country's robust strength had given 
rise to heedlessness of those laws governing national 



46 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

health, which we can no more evade than human life 
could escape the laws of God and nature. 

He said it was the plain dictate of honesty and good 
government, that public expenditures should be limited 
by public necessity, measured by tjie rules of strict 
economy, as it was equally clear that frugality among the 
people was the best guaranty of a contented and strong 
support of free institutions. 

He said the existence of immense aggregations of 
kindred enterprises, and combinations of business inter- 
ests, formed for the purpose of fixing prices was incon- 
sistent with that fair field which ought to be open to 
every independent activity. These aggregations fre- 
quently constituted conspiracies against the interests of 
the people, and in all their phases were unnatural and 
opposed to our American sense of fairness. 

He said our mission, (referring to the Democratic 
party, again coming into power) was not punishment, 
but the rectification of wrongs. "If/' he said, "in lifting 
burdens from the daily life of our people, we reduce in- 
ordinate advantages, * * too long enjoyed, this" is 
but a necessity incident of our return to right and 
justice/' 

He announced the principle that "The people * * 
are entitled to a sound and stable currency, and to money 
recognized as such on every exchange, and in every 
market of the world. The government has no right to 
injure (the people) by financial experiments opposed to 
the policy and practice of other civilized states, nor * 
* in permitting an unreasonable reliance on our national 
strength and ability to jeopardize the soundness of the 
peoples' money." 

He furthermore said, "the speculator may anticipate a 
harvest gathered from the misfortune of others, — the 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 47 

capitalist may proitect himself in hoarding, * * * ; 
but the wage earner — the first to be injured * * and 
the last to receive a benefit of its correction, is practically 
defenseless. He relies for work upon the ventures of 
confident and contented capital. This failing him, his 
condition is without alleviation, for he can neither prey 
on the misfortune of others, nor hoard his labor. He 
then, quotes from a statesman fifty years ago who said 
"The very man of all others, who has the deepest interest 
in a sound currency, and who suffers most by mischiev- 
ous legislation in money matters, is the man who earns 
his daily bread by his daily toil." 

He repeats an earlier recommendation that, "The ab- 
solute divorcement of the government from the business 
of banking is the ideal relationship of the government to 
the circulation of the currency of the country," but he 
says, "this condition cannot be immediately reached." 

With these examples from his messages, in view of 
limited space we must be content. 

Theforegoing are principles by eminetnt Democratic 
statesmen and Presidents, and almost universally quoted 
as "sound Democratic doctrines. " 

Our attention will now be directed to the principles as 
settled by their National Conventions, which are of 
course considered as binding upon members of the party, 
until superseded or changed by the same authority. 



CHAPTER V. 

CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS PLATFORM OF A. D. 180O. 

In setting forth the platforms of the Democratic party, 
we take first that of the Republican Members of Con- 
gress, at Washington, in January, A. D. 1800, as opposed 
to the Federlists, then in power, under President John 
Adams. They nominated Thomas Jefferson as their 
candidate, who was finally elected by the House of Rep- 
resentatives, Jefferson and Burr having each received an 
equal number of electoral votes, for President and Vice- 
President. Limited in space, w r e give the platforms in 
the shortest possible space. The caucus declared that 
they favored : 

1. An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitu- 
tion, according to the true sense in which it was adopted 
by the States ; that in which it was advocated by its 
friends, and not that which its. enemies apprehended, 
who, therefore became its enemies. 

2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the 
forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a 
transition, first to a President and Senate for life; and 
secondly to a hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus 
to worm out the elective principle. 

3. Preservation to the States of the powers not 
yielded by them to the Union, and to tjhe legislature of the 
Union, its constitutional share in division of its powers; 
and resistance, therefore, to existing movements for 
transferring all the powers of the States to the general 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 49 

government, and all of those of that government to the 
executive branch. 

4. A rigorously frugal administration of the govern- 
ment, and the application of all the possible savings of the 
public revenue to the liquidation of the public debt ; and 
resistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a mul- 
tiplication of officers and salaries, merely to create part- 
isans and to alignment the public debt, on the principle 
of its being a public blessing. 

5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the mil- 
itia till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only 
as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from 
depredations ; and opposition, therefore, to the policy of 
a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the 
public sentiment; and to a navy, which, by its own ex- 
penses, and the wars it will implicate us, will grind us 
with public burdens and sink us under them. 

6. Free commerce with all nations ; political connec- 
tion with none, and little or no diplomatic establishments. 

7. Opposition to linking ourselves by new treaties 
with the quarrels of Europe, or joining in the confeder- 
acy of Kings to war against the principles of liberty. 

8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneu- 
vers to bring about a legal ascendency of one sect, over 
another. 

9. Freedom of speech and of the press ; and opposi- 
tion, therefore, to all violations of the Constitution, to 
silence by force, and not by reason, the complaints or crit- 
icisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct 
of their public agents. 

10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well 
disposed of ail nations, who may desire to embark their 
fortunes with us, and share with us the public burden, 



50 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

may have an opportunity, under moderate restrictions, 
for the development of honest intention ; and severe ones 
to guard against the usurpation of our flag. 

11. Encouragement of science and arts in all their 
branches, to the end that the American people may per- 
fect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institu- 
tions and influences. 

PLATFORM OF JANUARY, A. D. 1836 ON THIS MARTIN VAN 

BURSN WAS ELECTED PRESIDENT. 

Democratic Platform of 1836. — From the time that 
Thomas Jefferson was elected President, down to Jan- 
uary, A. D. 1836, when Martin Van Buren became the 
Democratic candidate, we find no formal declaration of 
principles by the party, as announced by Jefferson, Mad- 
ison, Monroe and Jackson, stated in another part of this 
volume, in their messages to Congress, forming the lead- 
ing tenets of the party, and to which, afterwards, fre- 
quent allusions are made in the declarations of principles 
by the Democratic party : 

In January, A. D. 1836, the following platform of prin- 
ciples was put forth by the party. 

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created free and equal, that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that the true 
foundation of Republican Government is the equal rights 
of every citizen in his person and property and in their 
management ; that the idea is quite unfounded that on en- 
tering into society we give up our natural right; that the 
rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce 
only our natural right to commit aggressions on the equal 




MARTIN VAN BUREN 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 51 

rights of another, and this is all from which the law ought 
to restrain him ; that every man is under the natural duty 
of contributing to the necessities of society, and this is all 
the law should enforce on him ; that when the laws have 
declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their 
functions. 

"We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and 
paper money as a circulating medium, ^because gold and 
silver is the only safe and constitutional currency : oppo- 
sition to any and all monopolies by legislation, because 
they are violations of equal rights of the people; hostil- 
ity to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of 
vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, because they 
are usurpations of the peoples' sovereign rights; no leg- 
islative or other authority in the body politic can right- 
fully by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of 
men in any case whatever from trial by jury, and the jur- 
isdiction or operation of the laws w r hich govern the com- 
munity. 

"We hold that each and every act of incorporation 
passed by preceding legislatures can be rightfully altered 
and repealed by their successors, and that they should 
be altered or repealed when necessary for the public good, 
or when required by a majority of the people." 

PLATFORM OF 184O. 

Platform of 1840. — On May 5th, 1840, the following 
platform was adopted by the Democracy, in convention 
assembled at Baltimore: 

1. Resolved. That the Federal Government is one of 
limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and 
the grants of power shown therein, ought to be strictly 



♦This had reference to irresponsible paper money issued by Stale 
Banks. 



52 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

construed by all the departments and agents of the gov- 
ernment, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to ex- 
ercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the 
General Government the power to commence and carry 
on a general system of internal improvements. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority 
upon the Federal Government directly or indirectly to 
assume the debts of the several states contracted for local 
internal improvements or other state purposes, nor would 
such an assumption be just or expedient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Fed- 
eral Government to foster one branch of industry to the 
detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one 
portion to the injury of another portion of our common 
country ; that every citizen and every section of the coun- 
try has a right to demand and insist upon an equality 01 
rights and privileges, and to complete an ample pro- 
tection of persons and property from domestic violence or 
foreign aggression. 

5. That it is the duty of every branch of govern- 
ment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in 
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue 
ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary 
expenses of the government. 

6. That Congress has no power to charter a United 
States bank ; that we believe such an institution one of 
deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dan- 
gerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of 
the people, and calculated to place the business of the 
country within the control of a concentrated money 
power, and above the laws, and the will of the people. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 53 

7. That Congress has no power under the Constitution 
to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of 
the several States ; and, that such States are the sole and 
proper judges of everything pertaining to their own af- 
fairs not prohibited by the Constitution ; tjhat all efforts 
made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of 
slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are 
calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous 
consequences and that all such efforts have an inevitable 
tendency to endanger the stability and permanence of 
the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any 
friend of our political institutions. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the govern- 
ment from banking institutions, is indispensable for the 
safety of the funds of the government and the rights of 
the people. 

9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson 
in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
Constitution, which makes ours a land of liberty, and the 
asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been 
cardinal principles in the Democratic faith, and every at- 
tempt to abridge the present privileges of becoming citi- 
zens and the owners of soil amongst us, ought to be re- 
sisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedi- 
tion laws from our statute book. 



54 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 



PLATFORM OF T844 — JAMES K. POLK NOMINATED. 

The entire platform of A. D. 1840, was affirmed, to 
which were added the following resolutions : 

That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be 
sacredly applied to national objects, specified in the Con- 
stitution, and we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, 
and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the states, as alike inexpedient in policy, and re- 
pugnant to the constitution. 

That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the 
President the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, 
under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient 
to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a 
bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two- 
thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until 
the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and 
which has thrice saved the American people from corrupt 
and tyrannical domination o<f the Bank of the United 
States. 

That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon 
is clear and unquestionable ; that no portion thereof ought 
to be ceded to England, or any other power, and that the 
reoccupation of Oregon, and the reannexation of Texas, 
at the earliest practical period, are great American meas- 
ures, which this convention recommends to the cordial 
support of the Democracy of the Union. 




JAMES K. POLK 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 55 

FROM PLATFORM OF 1848. MAY 22, AT BAI/TIMORE, 
GENERAL LEWIS CASS, NOMINATED. 

1. That the American Democracy place their trust 
in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discrimination 
of the American people. 

2. That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our 
political creed, which we are proud to maintain before 
the world, as the great moral element in a form of govern- 
ment springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and 
contrast it with the creed and practice of federalism, 
under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the 
will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture 
too monstrous for the popular credulity. 

3. That entertaining these views, the Democratic 
party of the Union, through the delegates assembled in 
General Convention of the States, coming together in a 
spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith 
of a free representative government and appealing to their 
fellow citizens, for the rectitude of their intentions, renew 
and reassert, before the American people, the declaration 
of principles avowed by them on a former occasion, when, 
in general convention, they presented their candidates 
for the popular suffrage. 

(Here resolutions No. 1 2, 3 and 4 of the platform of 
A. D. 1840, were reaffirmed.) 

8. That it is the duty of every branch of the govern- 
ment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in 
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue 
ought to be raised than is required to defray the neces- 
sary expenses of the government, and for the gradual 
but certain extinction of the debt created by the prosecu- 



50 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Hon of a just a?)d necessary war, (a resolution of which 
the author takes occasion to remark, by way of par- 
enthesis, could not well be improved to meet the exigen- " 
cies of the present day). 

Resolutions numbers seven, eight and nine of the plat- 
form of A. D. 1840. were here inserted, w T hich it is un- 
necessary here to repeat, after which the platform pro- 
ceeds to resolve as follows : 

13. The proceeds of the public lands ought to be 
sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the 
Constitution; and that we are opposed to any law for 
the distribution of such proceeds among the states as 
alike inexpedient in policy, and repugnant to the Con- 
stitution. 

14. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from 
the President the qualified veto power, by which he is 
enabled under restrictions and responsibilities amply suf- 
ficient to guard the public interests, to suspend the pass- 
age of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of 
two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, 
and which has saved the American people from. the cor- 
rupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United 
States, and from a corrupting system of general internal 
improvements. 

15. This resolution was a simple justification of the 
Mexican war, and announced no distinctive principle of 
the party ; and so the sixteenth and seventeenth were reso- 
lutions of congratulations upon the results of the war, 
and the duty of the government toward the brave soldiers 
who so nobly did their duty in the service of their coun- 
try during that war. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 57 

The eighteeenth resolution extended congratulations to 
the national convention of the Republic of France, and 
their best wishes for the success of free government to 
the people of France, but enunciates no new principle of 
the Democratic party properly within the scope of this 
work, and consequently here omitted. The only principle 
reiterated is that, the inherent and inalienable rights of 
the people, in their sovereign capacity to make and to 
amend their forms of government in such manner as the 
welfare of the community may require. 

The platform then proceeds to declare : 

That in view of the recent development of this grand 
political truth of the sovereignty of the people, and their 
capacity and power of self-government, which is pros- 
trating thrones, and erecting republics on the ruins of 
despotism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred 
duty is devolved with increased responsibility, upon the 
Democratic party of this country, as the party of the 
people, to sustain and advance among us constitutional 
liberty, equality and fraternity, by continuing to resist all 
monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of 
the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and 
constant adherence to those principles and compromises of 
the constitution, which are broad enough and strong 
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the 
Uliion as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full ex- 
pansion of the energies and capacity of this great and 
progressive people. 

The remainder of the platform of A. D. 1848, was 
merely laudatory of the administration of President Polk, 
expressive of confidence in his capacity, firmness and 
integrity, and congratulations upon the success of his 
administration. 



58 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

THE PLATFORM OF 1852, JUNE I FRANKLIN PIERCE 

NOMINATED. 

This platform was but a repetition of those of 1840-44 
and of 1848; and resolving that the liberal principles em- 
bodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, 
and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours 
the land of liberty, and the asylum of the oppressed of 
every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the 
Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privi- 
lege of becoming citizens, and the owners of the soil 
among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit that 
swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute books. 

12. That Congress has no power under t(he Con- 
stitution to interfere with or control the domestic in- 
stitutions of the several States, and that such States are 
the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining 
to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; 
and that all efforts * * * made to induce Congress 
to interfere with such questions * * are calculated 
to lead to the most alarming and dangerous con- 
sequences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable 
tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and 
endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and 
ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our politi- 
cal institutions. 

The remainder of the resolutions in the platform of A. 
D. 1852, is but a repetition of others already given, or 
relates to temporary questions not within the scope of this 
work ,and therefore omitted. 




FRANKLIN PIERCE 




JAMES BUCHANAN 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 59 

I 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1856 JAMES BUCHANAN NOM- 
INATED AND ELECTED. 

Platform of 1 856 — June 6. — The platform of A. D. 
1856, adopted at Cincinnati, June 6th of that year, is the 
most comprehensive of any that had preceded it, em- 
bracing all the leading resolutions adopted and pro- 
mulgated by the Democratic party for more than fifty 
years previous thereto, and are already stated in the pre- 
vous platforms given in this work, and therefore un- 
necessary to be here again repeated, but as the old Whig 
party had been within the previous four years substantially 
dissolved, and the so-called American, or Know Nothing 
party had been organized in its place, raising new ques- 
tions and issues, the convention to meet those, added the 
following resolutions to the platform. 

"Whereas: Since the foregoing declaration was 
uniformly adopted by our predecessors in National Con- 
ventions, an adverse political and religious test has been 
secretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively 
American, and it is proper that the American Demo- 
cracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and de- 
clare its determined opposition to all secret political 
societies, by whatever name they may be called, there- 
fore the convention, Resolved. 

"That the foundation of this Union of States having 
Been laid in and its prosperity, expansion and pre-eminent 
example in free government built upon entire freedom of 
religious concernment, and no respect of persons In re- 
gard to rank or place of birth, no party can justly be 
deemed to be National, Constitutional, or in accordance 
with American principles, which bases its exclusive 



60 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

organization upon religious grounds and accidental birth- 
place; and hence a political crusade in the Nineteenth 
Century, and in the United States of America, against 
Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justified by the 
past history or future prospects of the country, nor in 
unison with that spirit of toleration and enlightened free- 
dom which peculiarly distinguishes the American system 
of popular government." 

Here follow several resolutions to be found in the plat- 
form of A. D. 1852, on the subject of slavery, and leaving 
that position as fixed and settled upon the basis of non- 
interference by Congress in the domestic institutions of a 
State. In order to meet distinctly the issue on which a 
sectional party had arisen, subsisting alone upon slavery 
agitation, the Convention adopted the following additional 
resolutions : 

"1. That claiming fellowship with, and desiring the 
co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the 
Union under the Constitution as the paramount issue, 
and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms con- 
cerning domestic slavery which seek to embroil the 
States and incite to treason and armed resistance to law 
in the Territories, and whose avowed purpose if con- 
summated, must end in civil war and disunion, the Ameri- 
can Democracy recognize and adopt the principles con- 
tained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of 
Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and 
safe solution of the slavery question upon which the great 
national idea of the people of this whole country can 
repose in its determined conservation of the Union, and 
non-interference by Congress with slavery in the Terri- 
tories, or in the District of Columbia. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 61 

"2. That this was the basis of the compromise of 1850, 
confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig parties in 
National Conventions, ratified by the people in the elec- 
tions of 1852, and rightly appplied to the organization of 
the Territories in A D. 2854. 

"3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic 
principle to the organization of Territories and the ad- 
mission of new States with or without domestic slavery 
as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will 
be preserved intact, the original compacts of the Con- 
stitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and ex- 
pansion of the Union insured to its utmost capacity, of 
embracing in peace and harmony every future American 
State that may be constituted or annexed, with a Republi- 
can form of government. 

"That we recognize the right of the people of all the 
Territories * * acting through the legally and fairly 
expressed will of the majority of the actual residents, and 
w T henever the number of inhabitants justifies it, to form 
a Constitution. * * * * and be admitted into the 
Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other 
States/' 

To these resolutions others were added upon new sub- 
jects not indeed then agitated, but directing a policy to be 
pursued in regard to them whenever the occasion would 
arise. The following are those resolutions : 

"That in view of the condition of the popular institu- 
tions in the old world and the dangerous tendencies of 
sectional agitation combined with the attempt to enforce 
civil and religious disabilities against the rights of ac- 
quiring and enjoying citizenship in our own land, a high 
and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility 
upon the Democratic party of this country as the party of 



62 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every 
State, and thereby the Union of the States, and to sustain 
and advance among us constitutional liberty, by con- 
tinuing to resist all monoplies and exclusive legislation for 
the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and 
by vigilant and constant adherence to those principles 
and compromises of the Constitution which are broad 
enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the 
Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it 
should be, in the full expression of the energies and 
capacity of this great and progressive people. 

That there are questions connected with the foreign 
policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic 
question whatever. The time has come for the people of 
the United States to declare themselves in favor of free 
seas, and progressive free trade throughout the world, 
and by solemn manifestations to place their moral in- 
fluence at the side of their successful example. 

THE: MONROE DOCTRINE. 

That our geographical and political position with re- 
ference to other States of this continent no less tjhan the 
interest of our commerce and development of our grow- 
ing power, requires that we should hold sacred the princi- 
ples involved in the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and 
import admit of no misconstruction, and should be ap- 
plied with unbending rigidity. 

NICARAGUAN CANAL OR PANAMA R. R. 

That the great highway which nature as well as the 
assent of the States most immediately interested in its 
maintenance, has marked out for free communication be- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 63 

tween the Atlantic and Pacific oceans constitutes one of 
the most important achievements realized by the spirit 
of modern times, in the unconquerable energy of our 
people, and that result would be secured by a timely and 
efficient exertion of the, control which we have the right to 
claim over it ; and no power on earth should be suffered to 
impede or clog its progress by any interference with re- 
lations that may suit our policy to establish between our 
government and the governments of the States within 
whose dominion it lies; we can under no circumstances 
surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all 
question arising out of it. 

That in view of so commanding an interest,, the people 
of the United States cannot but sympathize with the 
efforts which are being made by the people of Central 
America to regenerate that portion of the continent which 
covers the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

That the Democratic party will expect of the next ad- 
ministration, that every proper effort will be made to in- 
sure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to main- 
tain permanent protection to the great outlets through 
which are emptied into its waters the products raised out 
of the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of 
the people of our Western valleys, and of the Union at 
large. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, i860, APRIL 23, — AT CHARLES- 
TOM, S. C, AND BALTIMORE. 

That we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention 
assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolu- 
tions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of 
principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati 



64 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

in the year A. U. 1856, believing that Democratic princi- 
ples are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the 
same subject matters; and we recommend, as further 
resolutions, the following : 

Insomuch as differences of opinion exist in the Demo- 
cratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of 
a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duty of 
Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, 
over the institution of slavery within the territories. 

2. That the Democratic party will abide by the de- 
cisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the 
questions of Constitutional law. 

3. That it is the duty of the United States to afford 
ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether 
at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. 

PACIFIC RAILROAD. 

4. That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, 
commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communi- 
cation between the Atlantic and Pacific States ; and the 
Democratic party pledge such constitutional aid as will 
insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast, 
at the earliest practicable period. 

ACQUISITION OF CUBA. 

5. That the Democratic party are in favor of the 
acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall 
be honorable to ourselves, and just to Spain. 

Here a resolution was adopted, temporary in character, 
and the platform was closed by the following resolution : 

7. That it is in accordance with the true interpreta- 
tion of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 65 

of the territorial governments, the measure of restriction, 
whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution 
on the power of the territorial legislature, over the subject 
of domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall here- 
after be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the 
United States, shall be respected by all good citizens and 
enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch 
of the general government. 

A portion of the convention seceded from the re- 
mainder, and organized in another hall, over which Hon. 
B. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, Continued to preside," 
adopted the following resolutions on the subjects, in con- 
troversy, viz : 

1. That the government of a territory, organized by an 
act of Congress is provisional^ and temporary, and during 
its existence, all citizens of the United States, have an 
equal right to settle, with their property, in the territory, 
without their rights, either of person or property, being 
destroyed or impaired by Congressional or territorial 
legislation. 

2. That it is the duty of the Federal government, 
in all its departments, to protect when necessary the 
rights of persons and properties in the territories, and 
wherever else its Constitutional authority extends. 

3. That when the settlers in a territory having an 
adequate population form a state constitution in pur- 
suance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and 
being consummated by admission into the Union, they 
stand on an equal footing with the people of other States, 
and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into 
the Federal Union whether its Constitution prohibits 
or recognizes the institution of slavery. 



66 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

These three last stated resolutions, compared with the 
resolution number seven (7) preceding them, shows the 
difference in the party concerning the subject of permit- 
ting or prohibiting slavery in the territories of the United 
States. 

The rebellion having resulted in the abolition of 
slavery, the principles were never required to be applied, 
and there the contest ended. It may, however, be stated 
as an historical fact, that Congress has ever since c'aimed 
to have more or less authority over territories, until a 
State Constitution has been formed, and the State ad- 
mitted into the Union. 

The foregoing resolutions, however, clearly show the 
view of the Democracy on the subject of the relation of 
territories to the Union. * 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1864 — GEN. GEORGE B. 
MCCLELLAN nominated. 

Platform of 1864 — Chicago, August 29. — "That in 
the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving 
fidelity to the Union, under the Constitution, as the only 
solid foundation of our strength, security and happiness 
as a people, and as a frame-work of government equally 
conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, 
both Northern and Southern. 

"That this Convention does explicity declare, as the 
sense of the American people., that after four years ot 
failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, 
during which under the pretense of a military necessity 
of a war power higher than the Constitution, the Con- 
stitution itself has been disregarded in every part, ind 
public liberty and private right, alike trodden down, and 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 67 

the material prosperity of the country essentially im- 
paired, justice humanity, liberty, ascl the public welfare 
demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of 
hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all 
the States or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the 
earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the 
basis of the Federal Union of all the States/' 

In regard to a part of this resolution it should be re- 
marked, that it has so often been misquoted by the op- 
ponents of the Democratic party, asserting that the 
resolution declared the zvar itself a failure, that many, 
doubtless, still believe it. Nothing was farther from the 
truth. The war was not a failure, nor was it so de- 
clared; but the resolution did declare the opinion that 
after four years of failure to restore the Union by war, 
some efforts should be made to restore it by peace. The 
war itself was a brilliant success, but great as it was, 
something more they thought was necessary to restore 
the Union, and so dear to the hearts of Democrats was 
that old Union of States, that they were willing to try 
every possible effort to succeed in their desires. War 
had been tried — hundreds and thousands of precious 
lives had been sacrificed, millions upon millions of money 
had been spent — and the Democracy desired to supple- 
ment the glorious deeds of the soldier, by the wise and 
calm action of the statesman. 

They desired to show to those who had gone into 
rebellion that they desired them to return to their al- 
legiance, and meet once more around a common altar, as 
it were, to do by wise statesmanship what war had thus 
far failed to accomplish. These and other arguments, had 
their desired effect. President Lincoln, after his re- 



68 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

election did make such overtures to the rebel authorities, 
and if nothing more was accomplished, it showed the 
people that peaceable means would be used to restore the 
Union, and if these should fail ,they would continue to 
resort to arms with increased vigor, until such time as 
the voice of reason and of peace could be heard. True 
is was, that men and States which claimed to be Demo- 
cratic went into rebellion against the government of our 
Fathers, but the same is true of those in the South who 
had opposed the Democracy during the best years of their 
lives, so that one is equally to blame with the other; but 
the teachings, and principles, and traditions of the Demo- 
cratic party were never opposed to the Union. It is a 
foul slander upon the party, and upon the memory of 
its best and greatest men; and no one, not a demagogue, 
or a mere politician, dishonest, and intending to deceive, 
or totally ignorant of the real facts, should ever think 
of making so gave and groundless a charge. 

The next resolution declared: 

"2. That the direct interference of the military author- 
ity of the United States in the recent elections held in 
Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri and Delaware, was a 
shameful violation of the Constitution ; and the repetition 
of such acts in the approaching election will be held as 
revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power 
under our control." 

Next com^s a resolution clearly defining the aim and 
object of the Democratic party during the war for the 
suppression of the Southern rebellion, which is as fol- 
lows : 

"3. That the aim and object of the Democratic party 
is to preserve the Federal Union, and the rights of the 
States unimpaired ; and they hereby declare that they 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 69 

consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary 
and dangerous powers not granted by the military law 
in the States not in insurrection, the arbitrary military 
arrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American 
citizens in states where civil law existed in full force, the 
suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the 
denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed dis- 
regard of state rights, the employment of unusual test 
oaths, and the interference with, and denial of the right 
of the people to bear arms in their defense, as calculated 
to prevent a restoration of the Union, and the perpetua- 
tion of a government deriving its just powers from the 
consent of the governed. 

"4. That the shameful disregard of the administration 
to its duty, in respect to our fellow citizens who now 
are. and long have been, prisoners of war, in a suffering 
condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score 
alike of public policy and common humanity. 

"5. That the sympathy of the Democratic party is 
heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our 
army, and the sailors of our navy, who are or have been 
in the field, and on the sea under the flag of their country ; 
and, in the event of our attaining power, they will receive 
all the care and protection, regard and kindness that the 
brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned/' 

This was the platform of the Democracy during the 
war, and have they not faithfully carried out. their 
pledges and avowed purposes ever since? Has a soldier 
ever suffered any diminution of his pensions, because 
they have term after term held the popular branch of 
Congress in their hands ; if anything, have they not ex- 
ceeded in generosity towards their opponents, though 
sometimes a majority of their members of Congress came 



70 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

from the States once in rebellion? Let the history of 
the legislation, in this particular .furnish a complete ref- 
utation of the charge, that they have been in any sense 
the enemy of the soldiers for the Union. 

THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF l868, JULY 4 — HORATIO 
SEYMOUR NOMINATED. 

"The Democratic party in National Convention assem- 
bled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and 
discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the 
Constitution as the foundation and limitation of the 
powers of the government and the guarantees of the lib- 
erties of the citizen, and recognizing that the questions of 
slavery and secession as having been settled for all time to 
come by the war or voluntary action of the Southern 
States in Constitutional Conventions assembled, and 
never to be revived or re-agitated, do, with the return of 
peace, demand, 

"1. Immediate restoration of all the States to their 
rights in the Union under the Constitution, and of Civil 
Government to the American people. 

"2. Amnesty for all past political offences ,and the 
regulation of the elective franchise in the States by 
their citizens. 

"3. Payment of all public debt of the United States as 
rapidly as practicable — all money drawn from the peo- 
ple by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the ne- 
cessities of the Government, economically administered, 
being honestly applied to such payment; and where the 
obligations of the Government do not expressly state 
upon their face, or the law under which they were issued 
does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 71 

ought, in right and justice, to be paid in the lawful money 
of the United States. 

"4. Equal taxation of every species of property accord- 
ing to its real value, including government bonds and 
other public securities. 

"5. One currency for the Government and the people, 
the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bond- 
holder. . ... C 

"6. Economy in the administration of Government, 
the reduction of the standing army and the navy, the abo- 
lition of the Freedman's Bureau, and all political instru- 
mentalities designed to secure negro supremacy ; simpli- 
fication of the system and discontinuance of inquisitorial 
modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue; that 
the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened, and 
the credit of the Government and the currency made 
good ; the repealing of all enactments for enrolling the 
State militia into National forces in time of peace ; and a 
tariff for revenue upon foreign imports ; and such equal 
taxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford in- 
cidental protection to domestic manufactures, and, as will 
without impairing the revenue, impose the least burdens 
upon, and best promote and encourage the great indus- 
trial interests of the country. 

"7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expul- 
sion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless 
offices ; the restoration of rightful authority to, and the in- 
dependence of the executive and judicial departments of 
the Government ; the subordination of the military to the 
civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress 
and the despotism of the sword may cease. 

"8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and 
native-born citizens at home or abroad; the assertion of 



72 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

American nationality which shall command the respect of 
foreign powers, and furnish an ample encouragement to 
people struggling for national integrity; Constitutional 
liberty, and individual rights, and the maintainance of the 
rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doc- 
trines of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign 
powers to punish them for alleged crimes beyond their ju- 
risdiction. 

"In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign 
the Radical party for its disregard of right, and the un- 
paralleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its 
career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledges 
of both houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclu- 
sively for the maintainance of the Government, and the 
preservation of the Union under the Constitution, it has 
repeatedly violated the most sacred pledge under which 
alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried 
our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union it has 
so far as in its power dissolved it, and subjected ten 
States, in time of profound peace, to military despotism 
and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of 
trial by jury, it has abolished the habeas corpus, that 
most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the free- 
dom of speech and press ; it has substituted arbitrary seiz- 
ures and arrests, and military trials, and secret star-cham- 
ber inquisitions for the Constitutional tribunals ; it has 
disregarded in time of peace the right of the people to be 
free from searches and seizures; it has entered the post 
and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of indi- 
viduals, and seized their private papers and letters with- 
out any specific charge or notice of affidavit as required 
by the organic law. It has converted the American Cap- 
itol in a bastile; it has established a system of spies and 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 73 

official espionage, to which no Constitutional monarchy of 
Europe would now dare to resort; it has abolished the 
right of appeal, on important Constitutional questions, to 
the supreme judicial tribunal, and threatens to curtail or 
destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably 
vested by the Constitution; while the learned Chief Jus- 
tice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, 
merely because he would not prostitute his high office to 
the support of the false and partisan charges preferred 
against the President. 

"Its coruptions and extravagance have exceeded any- 
thing known in history; and, by its frauds and monopo- 
lies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created 
by the war. It has stripped the President of his Consti- 
tutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. 
Under its repeated assaults, the pillars of the government 
are rocking on their base; and should it succeed in No- 
vember next, and inaugurate its President, he will meet a 
subjugated and conquered people, amid the ruins of lib- 
erty and scattered fragments of the Constitution. 

"And we do declare and resolve that ever since the peo- 
ple of the United States threw off all subjection to the 
British Crown, the privilege and trust of suffrage have 
belonged to the several states, and have been granted, reg- 
ulated and controlled exclusively by the political power of 
each state respectively ; and that any attempt by Congress, 
on any pretext whatever, to deprive any state of this right, 
or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of 
power which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, 
if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of gov- 
ernment, and can only end in a single, centralized, and 
consolidated government, in which the separate existence 
of x the states, will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified 



74 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

despotism be established in place of a Federal union of co- 
equal states. And that we regard the reconstruction 
acts — so called — of Congress as usurpations, unconstitu- 
tional, revolutionary and void. 

"That our soldiers and sailors, who> carried the flag of 
our country to victory, against the most gallant and deter- 
mined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all 
the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully car- 
ried into execution. 

"That the public lands should be distributed as widely 
as possible among the people, and should be disposed of 
either under the pre-emption of homestead lands, or sold 
in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants 
at the minimum price established by the government. 
When grants of public lands may be allowed, necessary 
for the encouragement of important public improvements, 
the proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands 
themselves, should be so applied/' 

The next resolution was one simply commending Pres- 
ident Johnson for the many contests he made while Pres- 
ident in behalf of Constitutional government. 

The remaining resolutions were three only, the first in- 
viting men of all political parties to unite w T ith the Democ- 
racy in the struggle for the liberties of the people ; sym- 
pathy with the workingmen; and thanking Chief Justice 
Chase for the manner in which he presided so impartially 
over the court of impeachment on the trial of President 
Andrew Johnson. 

While the Democracy did not gain the succeeding elec- 
tion, the discussion of the questions raised, and the ar- 
raignment made against the proceedings of the so-called 
Radical Republican party, did very much in finally restor- 
ing to the people many of their rights which the Democ- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 75 

racy claimed were gross usurpations of power, and fla- 
grantly unconstitutional ; and in every instance, in cases 
where the parties sought relief in the courts, the position 
of the Democracy was sustained, by the United States 
courts. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS, l8/2, JULY 9, AT BALTIMORE, 
MD. — HORACE GREEEY'S NOMINATION AND ACCEPTANCE. 

The Liberal Republicans having met in Convention 
at Cincinnati, en May 1, 1872, the Democracy, in their 
Convention, adopted their resolutions as essential to good 
government. The resolutions which thus became their 
platform in that Presidential election were as follows : 

"1. We recognize the equality of all men before the 
law, and hold that it is the duty of government in its deal- 
ings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice 
to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, re- 
ligious or political. 

''2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the Union of 
these States, emancipation and enfranchisement, and to 
oppose any reopening of the questions settled by tfhe thir- 
teenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Con- 
stitution. 

"3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal 
of all disabilities imposed on account of the rebellion, 
which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that 
universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all 
sections of the country. 

"4. Local self-government with impartial suffrage 
will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any 
centralized power. The public welfare demands the su- 
premacy of the civil over the military authority, and the 



76 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

freedom of the person under the protecting habeas cor- 
pus. We demand for the citizen the largest liberty con- 
sistent with public order; for the State, self-government; 
for the nation, a return to the methods of peace, and the 
Constitutional limitations of power. 

"5, The civil service of the Government has become a 
mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambi- 
tion, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and 
reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demorali- 
zation dangerous to the perpetuity of Republican Govern- 
ment. We, therefore, regard a thorough reform of the 
civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the 
hour — that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the 
only valid claims to public employment ; that the offices of 
the government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favorit- 
ism and patronage : and that a public station shall again 
become a post of honor. To this end, it is imperatively 
demanded that no President shall become a candidate for 
re-election. 

"6. We demand a system of Federal taxation which 
shall not unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the 
people, and which shall provide the means to pay the ex- 
penses of the Government, economically administered, 
the pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a mod- 
erate reduction annually of the principal thereof ; and rec- 
ognizing that there are in our midst honest but irrecon- 
cilable differences of opinion with regard to the respec- 
tive systems of protection and free trade, we remit the 
discussion of the subject to the people in their congres- 
sional districts, and the decision of Congress thereon, 
wholly free from executive interference or dictation. 

"7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, 
and we denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 77 

"& A speedy return to specie payment is demanded 
a] ike by the highest consideration of commercial morality 
and honest government. 

"9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sac- 
rifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no 
act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned 
fame, or the full rewards of their patriotism. 

"10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to 
railroads or other corporations ; the public domain should 
be held sacred to actual settlers. 

"11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in 
its intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate tne 
friendship of peace, by treaty with all, on fair and equal 
terms, regarding it alike hishonorable either to demand 
what is not right, or submit to what is wrong. 

"12. For the promotion and success of these vital 
principles, and the support of the candidates nominated 
by this Convention, we invite and cordially welcome the 
co-operation of ail patriotic citizens, without regard to 
previous affiliations.' 

Thus did a very decided and respectable portion of the 
Republican party secede from their party, and announce 
a platform so nearly consistent with Democratic princi-. 
pies, that the Democracy adopted it as their own. 

PLATFORM Or 1876 ST. LOUIS, MO., JUNE 27. — SAMUEL 

J. TILDEX NOMINATED. 

After declaring that the administration of the Federal 
government was in urgent need of immediate reform in 
all its departments, the convention declared as follows : 

"For the Democracy of the whole country we do hereby 
reaffirm our faith in the permanence of the Federal 



78 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Union, our devotion to the Constitution of the United 
States, with its amendments universally accepted as a final 
settlement of the controversies that engendered civil war, 
and do record our steadfast confidence in the perpetuity 
of self government. 

"In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority — 
the vital principle of republics ; in the supremacy of the 
civil over the military authority; in the total separation 
of the church and state, for the sake alike of civil and re- 
ligious freedom; in the equality of all citizens before just 
laws of their own enactment; in the liberty of individual 
conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws ; in the faithful edu- 
cation of the rising generation, that they may preserve, 
enjoy and transmit these best conditions of human happi- 
ness and hope — we behold the noblest products of a hun- 
dred years of changeful history ; but while upholding the 
bond of union, and great charter of these our rights, it 
behooves a free people to practice also the eternal vigi- 
lance which is the price of liberty. 

"Reform is necessary to rebuild and re-establish in the 
hearts of the whole people, the union, eleven years ago 
happily rescued from the danger of a secession of states, 
but now to be saved from a corrupt centralism which, 
after inflicting upon ten states the rapacity of carpet-bag 
tyranny, has honey-combed the offices of the Federal gov- 
ernment itself with incapacity, waste and fraud ; infected 
states and municipalities with the contagion of misrule; 
and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people 
in the paralysis of "hard times. " 

"Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, re- 
store the public credit, and maintain the national honor. 

"We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of 
peace, to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 79 

which are a changing- standard of value in the hands of 
the people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard 
of the plighted faith of the nation. 

"We denounce the improvidence which in eleven years 
of peace, has taken from the people, in Federal taxes, 
thirteen times the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, 
and squandered four times their sum in useless expense 
without accumulating any reserve for their redemption. 

"We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality 
cf that party, which, during eleven years of peace, has 
made no advance toward resumption, no preparation for 
resumption, but, instead, has obstructed resumption, by 
wasting our resources, and exhausting all our surplus in- 
come ; and while annually professing to intend a speedy 
return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hin- 
drances thereto, as such hinderance we denounce the re- 
sumption clause of 187^, and we demand its repeal. 

"We demand a judicious system of preparation by pub- 
lic economies by official retrenchments, and by wise fi- 
nance, which shall enable the Nation, soon to assure the 
whole world of its perfect ability and perfect readiness to 
meet any of its promises at the call of the creditor entitled 
to payment. We believe such a system well devised, and, 
above all, entrusted to competent hands for execution, 
creating at no time an artificial scarcity of curency, and 
at no time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of 
that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per 
cent of all business transactions are performed. A sys- 
tem open, public, and inspiring general confidence, would 
from the day of its adoption bring healing on its wings to 
all our harrassed industries ; set in motion the wheels of 
commerce, manufactures, and the mechanical arts, restore 



80 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

employment to labor, and renew, in all its natural sources, 
the prosperity of the people. 

"Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of Federal 
taxation, to the end that capital may be set free from dis- 
trust, and labor lightly burdened. 

"We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four 
thousand articles, as a monster piece of injustice, inequal- 
ity, and false pretence. It yields a dwindling — not a 
yearly rising revenue — it has impoverished many indus- 
tries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might 
purchase the products of American labor. It has de- 
graded American commerce from the first to an inferior 
rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of Am- 
erican manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted 
the re urns cf American agriculture— an industry followed 
by half our people. It costs the people five times more 
than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of 
production, and wastes the fruit of labor. It promotes 
fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and 
bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all cus- 
tomhouse taxation shall be only for revenue. 

"Reform is necessary m the scale of public expense—fed- 
eral, state, and municipal. Our federal taxation has 
swollen from sixty millions gold, in i860, to four hundred 
and fifty millions currency, in 1870; an aggregate taxa- 
tion from one hundred and fifty-four millions gold, in 
i860, to seven hundred and thirty millions currency, in 
1870 — or, in one decade, from less than five dollars per 
head, to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the 
peace the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more 
than thrice the sum of the National debt, and more than 
twice that sum for the Federal Government alone. We de- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 81 

mand a rigorous frugality in every department, and 
from every officer of the government. 

"Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate 
waste of public lands, and their diversion from actual 
settlers by the party in power, which has squandered 
200,000,000 acres upon railroads alone, and out of more 
than thrice that aggregate has disposed of less than a 
sixth directly to tillers of the soil. 

Reform is necessary to correct the omission of a Rer 
publican Congress, and the errors of our treaties and 
diplomacy which have stripped our fellow-citizens of 
foreign birthright and kindred face, recrossing the At- 
lantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have ex* 
posed our brethern of the Pacific coast to the incursions 
of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, 
and in fact, now by law, denied citizenship through 
naturalization, as being neither accustomed to the tradi- 
tions of a progressive civilization, nor exercised in lib- 
erty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which 
thus discards the liberty-loving German, and tolerates 
a revival of the coolie trade in Mongolian women, for im- 
moral purposes, and Mongolian men, held to perform 
servile labor contracts ; and demand such modification 
of the treaty with the Chinese empire, or such legisla- 
tion, within Constitutional limitations, as shall prevent 
further importation or immigration of the Mongolian 
race. 

Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by 
making it the controlling issue of the elections, and lift- 
ing it above the two false issues with which the office- 
holding class and the party in power seek to smother it. 
. '"1. The false issue with which thev would enkindle 



82 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which 
the establishment and support belongs exiculsively to the 
several States, and which the Democratic party has 
cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to 
maintain without prejudice or preference for any class, 
sect or creed, and without largesses from the treasury 
to any. 

2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew 
the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred 
peoples, once estranged, but now reunited in one indivis- 
ible Republic, and a common destiny. 

Reform is necessary even more in the higher grades 
of the public service — President, Vice-President, 
Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers — 
these and all others in authority are the people's ser- 
vants. Their offices are not a private perquisite, they 
are a public trust. When the annals of this Republic 
show the disgrace and censure of a Vice-President; a 
late Speaker of the House of Representatives marketing 
his rulings as a presiding officer; three Senators profit- 
ing secretly by their votes as law makers ; five chairmen 
of the leading committees of the late House of Represen- 
tatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the 
Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts ; a late 
Attorney-General misappropriating public funds ; a Sec- 
retary of the Navy enricher or enriching friends, by per- 
centages levied on the profits of contractors with his de- 
partment : an Ambassador to England concerned in dis- 
honorable speculations ; the President's private secretary 
barely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty com- 
plicity in frauds upon the revenue; a Secretary of War 
impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors — the de- 
monstration is complete, that the first step in reform 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 83- 

m ist be the people's choice of honest men from another 
party, lest the disease of one political organization infect 
the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or 
parties, we get no change of measures and no real re- 
form. All these abuses, wrongs and crimes — the pro- 
duct of sixteen years' ascendancy of the Republican 
party — create a necessity for reform, confessed by the 
Republicans themselves; but their reformers are voted 
down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet. 
The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist 
the 80,000 office holders, its leaders and guides. 

Reform can only be had by a peaceful civil revolution. 
We demand a change of system, a change of adminis- 
tration, a change of parties, that they may have a change 
of measures and of men." 

The two remaining resolutions were simply commen- 
datory of Congress for curtailing expense's, etjc., and 
pledging the soldiers and sailors, and their families, the 
protection and gratitude of the people. 

This election Democrats have always claimed resulted 
in the election of Samuel J. Tilden, but that they were 
cheated out of it by the Electoral Commission. Sub- 
mission was counseled as better for the country, than to 
resort to measures that might have resulted in civil war. 

PLATFORM OF JUN^ 22, l880 — GEN. W. S. HANCOCK NOM- 
INATED AT CINCINNATI, OHIO. 

The Democrats of the United States, in Convention 
assembled, declare : 

1. We pledge ourselves anew to the Constitutional 
doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as il- 
lustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line 



8-1 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in 
the platform of the last National Convention of the 
party. 

2. Opposition to centralization, and to that danger- 
ous spirit of encroachment, which tends toi consolidate 
the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to 
create, whatever form of government, a real despotism; 
no sumptuary laws ; separation of the church and state 
for the good of each ; common schools fostered and pro- 
tected. 

3. Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and 
silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand ; the 
strict maintainance of the public faith, state and national, 
and a tariff for revenue only; the subordination of the 
military to the civil power; and a general and thorough 
reform of the civil service. 

4. The right of a free ballot is a right preservative 
of all rights ; and must and shall be maintained in every 
part of the United States. 

5. The existing administration is the representative 
of a conspiracy only, and its claim of right to surround 
the ballot-boxes with troops and deputy marshals, to in- 
timidate and obstruct the elections, and the unpreced- 
ented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and des- 
potic power insults the people and imperils their insti- 
tutions. We execrate the course of this administration 
in making places in the civil service a reward for polit- 
cal crimes, and demand a reform by statute, which shall 
make it forever impossible for a defeated candidate to 
bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains 
upon the people. 

6. The great fraud of 1876-77, by which, upon a 
false count of the electoral votes of two States, the tan- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 85 

didate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, 
for the first time in American history, the will of the 
people was set aside under a threat of military violence, 
and a deadly blow was struck at our system of represen- 
tative government. The Democratic party, to preserve 
the country from the horors of civil war, submitted for 
the time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people 
would punish the crime in 1880. This issue precedes 
and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty 
upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the 
consciences of a nation of freemen. 

7. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not again to 
be a candidate fcr the exalted place to which he was 
elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which 
he was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party, 
is received by the Democrats of the United States with 
deep sensibility; and they declare their confidence in his 
wisdom, patriotism, and integrity unshaken by the as- 
c aults of the common enemy: and they further assure 
him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen 
for himself, by the sympathy and respect of his fellow- 
citizens, who regard him as one who by elevating the 
standard of the public morality, and adorning, and pur- 
ifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude 
of his country and his party. 

8. Free ships, and a living chance for American com- 
merce upon the seas ; and on the land no discrimination 
in favor of transportation lines, corporations or monop- 
olies. 

9. Amendments of the Burlingame treaty ; no more 
Chinese immigration except for travel, education, and 
foreign commerce, and therein carefully guarded. 



86 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

io. Public money, and public credit for public pur- 
poses solely, and public lands for actual settlers. 

11. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and 
the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike 
against the cormorants and the commune. 

12. We congratulate the country upon the honesty 
and thrift of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced 
the public expenditures ten millions of dollars a year; 
upon the continuation of prosperity at home and the 
national honor abroad; and above all, upon the promise 
of such a change in the administration of the government 
as shall insure a genuine and lasting reform in every de- 
partment of the public service/' 

PLATFORM OF 1 884 GROVER CLEVELAND NOMINATED 

AND ELECTED. 

The Democratic party of the Union, through its rep- 
resentatives in National Convention assembled, recog- 
nizes that as the nation grows older new issues are born 
of time and progress and old issues perish, But the 
fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by 
the united voices of the people, remain, and will ever re- 
main as the best and only security for the continuance of 
free government. The preservation of personal rights; 
the equality of all citizens before the law ; the reserved 
rights of the States ; and the supremacy of the Federal 
government within the limits of the constitution, will 
ever form the true basis of our liberties, and can never 
be surrendered without destroying that balance of rights 
and powers which enable a continent to be developed in 
peace, and social order to be maintained by means of 
local self- government. 




GROVER CLEVELAND 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 87 

But it is indispensable for the practical application and 
enforcement of these fundamental principles, that the 
government should not always be controlled by one polit- 
ical party. Frequent change of administration is as 
necessary as constant recurrence to the popular will. 
Otherwise abuses grow, and the government, instead of 
being carried on for the general w r elfare, becomes an in- 
strumentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many 
who are governed for the benefit of the few who govern. 
Public servants thus become arbitrary rulers. 

This is now the condition of the country. Hence a 
change is demanded. The Republican party, so far as 
principle is concerned, is a reminiscence ; in practice it 
is an organization for enriching those who control its 
machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been 
brought to light in every department of the government 
are sufficient to have called for reform within the Repub- 
lican party; yet those in authority, made reckless by the 
long possession of power, have succumbed to its corrupt- 
ing influence, and have placed in nomination a ticket 
against which the independent portion of the party are 
in open revolt. 

Therefore, a change is demanded. Such a change 
was alike necessary in 1876, but the will of the people 
was then defeated by a fraud which can never be for- 
gotten nor condoned. Again in 1880, the change de- 
manded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of 
money contributed by unscrupulous contractors and 
shameless jobbers who had bargained for unlawful pro- 
fits or for high office. 

The Republican party, during its legal, its stolen and 
its bought tenures of power, lias steadily decayed in moral 
character and political capacity. 



88 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Its platform promises are now a list of past failures. 

It demands the restoration of our navy. It has 
squandered hundreds of millions to create a navy that 
does not exist. 

It calls upon Congress to remove the burdens under 
which American shipping has been depressed. It has 
imposed and has continued those burdens. 

It professes the policy of reserving the public lands 
for small holdings by actual settlers. It has given away 
the people's heritage, till now a few railroads and non- 
resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger 
area than that of all our farms between the two seas. 

It professes a preference for free institutions. It or- 
ganized and tried to legalize a control of State elections 
by Federal troops. 

It professes a desire to elevate labor. It has subjected 
American workingmen to the competition of convict and 
imported contract labor. 

It. professes gratitude to all who were disabled or died 
in the. war, leaving widows and orphans. It left to a 
Democratic House of Representatives the first effort to 
equalize both bounties and pensions. 

It proffers a pledge to correct the irregularities of our 
tariff It created and has continued them. Its own 
Tariff Commission confessed the need of more than 
twenty per cent reduction. Its Congress gave a reduc- 
tion of less than four per cent. 

It professes the protection of American manufactures. 
It has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufact- 
ured goods and a hopeless competition with manufactur- 
ing nations, not one of which taxes raw materials. 

It professes to protect all American industries. It has 
impoverished many to subsidize a few. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 89 

It professes the protection of American labor. It has 
depleted the returns of American agriculture — an in- 
dustry followed by half our people. 

It "professes the equality of all men before the law. 
Attempting to fix the status of colored citizens, the acts 
of its Congress were overset by the decisions of its 
courts. 

It "accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of 
progress and reform." Its caught criminals are per- 
mitted to escape through contrived delays or actual con- 
nivance in the prosecution. Honey-combed with corrup- 
tion, outbreaking exposures no longer shock its moral 
sense. Its honest members,, its independent journals no 
longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its 
counsels or veto upon bad nominations. 

That change is necessary is proved by an existing sur- 
plus of more than $100,000,000, which has yearly been 
collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation 
is unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party 
for having failed to relieve the people from crushing war 
taxes which have paralyzed business, crippled industry 
and deprived labor of employment and of just reward. 

The Democracy pledges itself to purify the Adminis- 
tration from corruption, to restore economy, to revive re- 
spect for lav/, and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit 
consistent with due regard to the preservation of the 
faith of the Nation to its creditors and pensioners. 

Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting 
the occupations of the people should be cautions and con- 
servative in method, not in advance of public opinion, 
but responsive to its demands, the Democratic party is 
pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all- 
interests. 



90 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

But in making reduction in taxes it is not proposed to 
injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote 
their healthy growth. From the foundation of this gov- 
ernment taxes collected at the custom house . have been 
the chief source of Federal revenue. Such they must 
continue to be. Moreover, man\ industries have come 
to rely on legislation for successful continuance, so that 
any change of law must be at every step regardful of the 
labor and capital thus involved. The process of reform 
must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of 
justice. 

All taxation shall be limited to the requirements of 
economical government. The necessary reduction in 
taxation can and must be effected without depriving 
American labor of the ability to compete successfully 
with foreign labor,, and without imposing lower rates of 
duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of 
production with may exist in consequence of the higher 
rate of wages prevailing in this country. 

Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the Fed- 
eral government, economically administered, including 
pensions, interest and principal of the public debt, can be 
got, under our present system of taxation, from custom- 
house taxes on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest 
on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest on articles of 
necessity. 

We, therefore, denounce the abuses of the existing 
tariff; and, subject to the preceding limitations, we de- 
mand that Federal taxation shall be exclusively for pub- 
lic purposes, and shall not exceed the needs of the gov- 
ernment, economically administered. 

The system of direct taxation known as the "Internal 
Revenue" is a war tax, and so long as the law continues 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 91 

tht money derived therefrom should be sacredly devoted 
to the relief of the people from the remaining burdens of 
the war, and be made a fund to defray the expense of the 
care and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in line of 
duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of 
such pensions as Congress may from time to time grant 
to such soldiers, a like funds for the sailors having been 
already provided ; and any surplus should be paid into the 
treasury. 

We favor an American continental policy based upon 
more intimate commercial and political relations with the 
fifteen sister republics of North, Central and South 
America, but entangling alliances with none. 

We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coin- 
age of the Constitution, and a circulating medium con- 
vertible into such money without loss. 

Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we 
hold that it is the duty of the government, in its dealings 
with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to 
all citizens of whatever nativity, race, color, or persua- 
sion — religious or political. 

We believe in a free ballot and a fair count; and we 
recall to the memory of the people the noble struggle of 
the Democrats in the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Con- 
gresses by which a reluctant Republican opposition was 
compelled to assent to legislation making everywhere il- 
legal the presence of troops at the polls as the conclusive 
proof that Democratic Administration will preserve lib- 
erty with order. 

The selection of Federal officers for the Territories 
should be restricted to citizens previously resident there- 
in. 



92 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and 
interfere with individual liberty; we favor honest civil- 
service reform and the compensation of all United States 
officers by fixed salaries ; the separation of church and 
State ; and the diffusion of free education by common 
schools, so that every child in the land may be taught the 
rights and duties of citizenship. 

While we favor all legislation which will tend to the 
equitable distribution of property, to the prevention of 
monopoly, and to the strict enforcement of individual 
rights against corporate abuses, we hold that the welfare 
of society depends upon a scrupulous regard for the 
rights of property as defined by law. 

We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is 
freest and most enlightened. It should, therefore, be 
fostered and cherished. We favor the repeal of all laws 
restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of 
laws by which labor organizations may be incorporated, 
and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the 
people as to the true relations of capital and labor. 

We believe that the public lands ought, as far as pos- 
sible, to be kept as homesteads for actual settlers ; that all 
unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to rail- 
load corporations by the action of the Republican party, 
should be restored to the public domain ; and that no more 
grants of land should be made to corporations, or be al- 
lowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees. 

We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any 
pretext, would convert the general government into a ma- 
chine for collecting taxes to be distributed among the 
States, or the citizens thereof. 

In reaffirming the decaration of the Democratic plat- 
form of 1856, that "the liberal principles embodied by 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 93 

Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence and sanc- 
tioned in the Constitution, which make ours the land 01 
liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, 
have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic 
faith," we nevertheless do not sanction the importation oi 
foreign labor, or the admission of servile races, unfitted 
by habits, training, religion or kindred for absorption into 
the great body of our people, or for the citizenship which 
our laws confer. American civilization demands that 
against the immigration or importation of Mongolians to 
these shores our gates be closed. 

The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this 
government to protect, with equal fidelity and vigilance, 
the rights of citizens, native and naturalized, at home 
and abroad ; and to the end that this protection may be as- 
sured, United States papers of naturalization, issued by 
courts of competent jurisdiction, must be respected by 
the executive and legislative departments of our own 
government and by all foreign powers. 

It is an imperative duty of this government to effici- 
ently protect all the rights of persons and property of 
every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and 
enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof. 

An American citizen is only responsible to his own 
government for any act done in his own country or under 
her flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil 
and according to her laws ; and no power exists in this 
government to expatriate an American citizen to be tried 
in any foreign land for any such act. 

This country has never had a well-defined and executed 
foreign policy save under Democratic administrations; 
that policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations, 
so long as they do not act detrimentally to the interests of 



94 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the country or hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone; 
that as the result of this policy we recall the acquisition 
of Louisiana, Flordia, California, and of the adjacent 
Mexican territory by purchase alone, and contrast these 
grand acquisitions of Democratic statesmanship with the 
purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican ad- 
ministration of nearly a quarter of a century. 

The Federal government should care for and improve 
the Mississippi river and other great waterways of the 
Republic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and 
cheap transportation to tide water. 

Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy our 
merchant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of 
outstripping that of Great Britain. 

Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy 
our commerce has been left to British bottoms, and al- 
most has the American flag been swept off the high seas. 

Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we 
demand for the people of the United States an American 
policy. 

Under Democratic rule and policy our merchants and 
sailors, flying the Stars and Stripes in every port, success- 
fully searched out a market for the varied products of 
American industry. 

Under a quarter century of Republican rule and policy, 
despite our manifest advantage over all other nations in 
high-paid labor, favorable climates, and teeming soils; 
despite freedom of trade among all these United States; 
despite their population by the foremost races of men and 
an annual immigration of the young, thrifty, and adven- 
turous of all nations ; despite our freedom here from the 
inherited burdens of life and industry in Old-World mon- 
archies — their costly war navies, their vast tax-consum- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 95 

ing. nonproducing standing armies ; despite twenty years 
of peace-Republican rule and policy have managed to sur- 
render to Great Britian, along with our commerce, the 
control of the markets of the world. 

Instead of the Republican party's British policy, we 
demand, in behalf of the /Vmerican Democracy, an Ameri- 
can policy. 

Instead of the Republican party's discredited scheme 
and false pretense of friendship for American labor, ex- 
pressed by imposing taxes, we demand in behalf of the 
Democracy, freedom for American labor by reducing 
taxes, to the end that these United States may compete 
with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations 
in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty. 

With this statement of the hopes, principles, and pur- 
poses of the Democratic party, the great issue of reform 
and change in administration is submitted to the people 
in calm confidence that the popular voice will pronounce 
in favor of new men and new and more favorable condi- 
tions for the growth of industry, the extension of trade, 
the employment and due reward of labor and capital, and 
the general welfare of the whole country. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 1 888. — AT ST. LOUIS, MO., 
JUNE 7TH. 

The Democratic party of the United States, in National 
Convention assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity 
to Democratic faith and reaffirms the platform adopted 
by its representatives in the Convention of 1884, and 
endorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in 
his last annual message to Congress as the correct inter- 
pretation of that platform -upon the question of tariff re- 



96 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

duction ; and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic 
representatives in Congress to secure a reduction of ex- 
cessive taxation. 

Chief among its principles of party faith are the main- 
tenance of an indissoluble Union of free and indestructi- 
ble States, now about to enter upon its second century of 
unexampled progress and renown ; devotion to a plan of 
government regulated by a written Constitution, strictly 
specifying every granted power and expressly reserving 
to the States or people the entire ungranted residue of 
power; the encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance 
directed to all who have been chosen for brief terms to 
enact and execute the laws, and are charged with the duty 
ofjpreserving peace, ensuring equality and establishing 
justice. 

The Democratic party welcome an exacting scrutiny of 
the administration of the Executive power, which four 
years ago was committed to its trust in the election of 
Grover Cleveland, President of the United States; and 
it challenges the most searching inquiry concerning its 
fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then invited the 
suffrages of the people. 

During a most critical period of our financial affairs, 
resulting from overtaxation, the anomalous condition of 
our currency, and a public debt unmatured, it has by the 
adoption of a wise and conservative course, not only aver- 
ted disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the 
people. 

It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of 
the Republican party touching the public domain, and has 
reclaimed from corporations and syndicates, alien and do- 
mestic, and restored to the people, nearly one hundred 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 97 

millions of acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as 
homesteads for our citizens. 

While carefully guarding the interest of the taxpayers 
and conforming- strictly to the principles of justice and 
equity, it has paid out more for pensions and bounties to 
the soldiers and sailors of the Republic than was ever paid 
before during an equal period. 

By intelligent management and a judicious and eco- 
nomical expenditure of the public money it has set on foot 
the reconstruction of the American Navy upon a system 
which forbids the recurrence of scandal and insures suc- 
cessful results. 

It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and 
prudent foreign policy, preserving peace with all nations 
while scrupulously maintaining all the rights and interests 
of our Government and people at home and abroad. 

The exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has 
been effectually secured under the provisions of a treaty, 
the operation of which has been postponed by the action 
of a Republican majority in the Senate. 

Honest reform in the Civil Service has been inaugur- 
ated and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has 
brought the public service to the highest standard of effi- 
ciency, not only by rule and precept, but by the example 
of his own untiring and unselfish administration of public 
affairs. 

In every branch and department of the Government 
under Democratic control, the rights and welfare of all 
the people have been guarded and defended ; every public 
interest has been protected, and the equality of all our 
citizens before the law, without regard to race or section, 
has been steadfastlv maintained. 



98 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Upon its record thus exhibited and upon the pledge of 
a continuance to the people of the benefits of good govern- 
ment, the National Democracy invokes a renewal of popu- 
lar trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has 
been faithful, able and prudent. 

They invoke an addition to that trust by the transfer 
also to the Democracy of the entire legislative power. 

The Republican party controlling the Senate and re- 
sisting in both Houses of Congress a reformation of un- 
just and unequal tax laws, which have outlasted the 
necessities of war and are now undermining the abund- 
ance of a long peace, deny to the people equality before 
the law and the fairness and the justice which are their 
right. 

Thus the cry of American labor for a better share in 
the rewards of industry is stifled with false pretenses, en- 
terprise is fettered and bound down to home markets; 
capital is discouraged with doubt ; and unequal, unjust 
laws can neither be properly amended nor repealed. 

The Democratic party will continue, with all the power 
confided to it, the struggle to reform these laws in ac- 
cordance with the pledges of its last platform endorsed 
at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the people. 

Of all the industrious freemen of our land, an immense 
majority, including every tiller of the soil, gain no advan- 
tage from excessive tax laws, but the price of nearly 
everything they buy is increased by the favoritism of an 
unequal system of tax legislation. 

All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. 

It is repugnant to the creed of Democracy, that by 
such taxation the cost of the necessaries of life should be 
unjustifiably increased to all our people. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 99 

Judged by Democratic principles, the interests of the 
people are betrayed, when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts 
and combinations are permitted and fostered, which, 
while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the 
body of our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of 
natural competition. Every Democratic rule of govern- 
mental action is violated when through unnecessary taxa- 
tion a vast sum of money, far beyond the needs of an 
economical administration, is drawn from the people and 
the channels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing 
surplus in the National Treasury. 

The money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury re- 
sulting from superfluous taxation amounts to more than 
$125,000,000. and the surplus collected is reaching the 
sum of more than $60,000,000 annually. 

Debauched by this immense temptation the remedy of 
the Republican party is to meet and exhaust by extrav- 
agant appropriations and expenditures, whether consti- 
tutional or not, the accumulations of extravagant taxa- 
tion. 

The Democratic remedy is to enforce frugality in 
public expense and abolish needless taxation. 

Our established domestic industries and enterprises 
should not, and need not be endangered by a reduction 
and correction of the burdens of taxation. On the con- 
trary, a fair and careful revision of our tax laws, with due 
allowance for the difference between the wages of Amer- 
ican and foreign labor, must promote and encourage every 
branch of such industries and enterprises by giving them 
assurance of an extended market and steady and con- 
tinuous operation. 

In the interest of American labor, which should in no 



100 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

event be neglected, the revision of our tax laws contem- 
plated by the Democratic party would promote the 
advantage of such labor by cheapening the cost of the 
necessaries of life in the home of every working man, and 
at the same time securing to him steady and remunerative 
employment. 

Upon this great issue of tariff reform, so closely con- 
cerning every phase of our national life, and upon every 
question involved in the problem of good government, 
the Democratic party submits its principles and profes- 
sions to the intelligent suffrages of the American people. 
Upon this platform they renominated President Cleve- 
land and Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, for vice-president ; 
but Benj\ Harrison, Repubican of Indiana was elected. 

PLATFORM Or 1892 — PRESIDENT CLEVELAND NOMINATED 

A THIRD TIME WITH ADEAI STEVENSON OF 

ILLINOIS FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

This platform of the Democratic party substantially 
declares as follows : 

1. They reaffirm their allegiance to the principles of 
the party as formulated by Jefferson, an d exemplified by 
the long illustrious line of his successors in Democratic 
leadership from Madison to Cleveland ; and they solemnly 
declare that the need of a return to these fundamental 
principles of popular government based on home rule, and 
individual liberty, was never more urgent than now, when 
a tendency to centralize all power at the Federal capitol 
has become a menace to the reserved rights of the states, 
that strikes at the very roots of our government, under 
the Constitution, as framed by the fathers of the Re- 
public. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 101 

2. It warns the people, jealous of the preservation of 
their free institutions, that the policy of the Federal con- 
trol of elections, to which the Republican party has com- 
mitted itself, is fraught with the gravest dangers, scarcely 
less momentous that would result from a revolution 
practically establishing monarchy on the ruins of the Re- 
public. It strikes at the North as well as the South, and 
injures the colored citizen even more than the white. 
It means a hoard of deputy marshals at every polling 
place, armed with Federal power, returning boards ap- 
pointed by Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral 
rights of the people in the several states, the subjugation 
of the colored people to the control of the party in power, 
and reviving of race antagonism, now happily abated, 
of the utmost peril to the safety and happiness of all; a 
measure deliberately and justly described, by a leading 
Republican Senator, as ''the most infamous bill that ever 
crossed the threshold of the Senate.'' Such a policy, if 
sanctioned by law, would mean the dominance of a self 
perpetuating oligarchy of office holders, and the party 
first entrusted with its machinery could be dislodged 
from power, only by an appeal to the reserved rights of 
the people, to resist oppression, wdiich is inherent in self 
governing communities. Two years ago this revolution- 
ary policy was condemned by the people at the polls, but 
in contempt of the verdict, the Republican party has 
defiantly declared in its latest authoritative utterances, 
that its success in the coming elections will mean the en- 
actment of the force bill, and the usurpation of despotic 
control over elections in all the states. Believing that the 
preservation of Republic government in .the United States 
is dependent on the defeat of this policy of legalized force 
and fraud, they invite the assistance of all citizens, who 



102 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

desire the Constitution maintained in its integrity, with 
the laws pursuant thereto, which have given our country 
a hundred years of unexampled prosperity ; and we pledge 
the Democratic party, if it he entrusted with power, not 
only the defeat of the force bill, [which was accomplished 
— Ed.] but also the relentless opposition to the Republi- 
can party, of profigate expenditure, which, in the short 
space of two years, had squandered an enormous surplus, 
and emptied an overflowing treasury, after piling new 
burdens of taxation upon the already overtaxed labor of 
the country. 

3. They reiterate the oft repeated doctrines of the 
Democratic party, that the necessity of the government is 
the only justification for taxation, and whenever a tax 
is unnecessary it is unjustifiable; that when custom house 
taxation is levied upon articles of any kind produced in 
this country, the difference between the cost of labor here 
and labor abroad, when such difference exists, fully 
measures any possible benefits to labor, and the enormous 
additional impositions of the existing tariff fall with 
crushing force upon our farmers and working men, and 
for the mere advantage of the few whom it enriches, 
exact from labor, a grossly unjust share of the expense of 
the government ; and they demand such a revision of the 
tariff laws as will remove their iniquitous inequalities, 
lighten their oppressions, and put them on a constitu- 
tional and equible basis. 

4. They denounce the McKinley tariff law * * as the 
culminating atrocity of class legislation ; and they endorse 
ihe efforts made by the Democratic members of Congress 
to modify its most oppressive features in the direction 
of free raw material, and cheaper manufactured goods 
that enter into home consumption ; and they propose a re- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 103 

peal of those laws, as one of the beneficient re- 
sults that will follow the action of the people in entrust- 
ing power to the Democratic party. 

5. They call the attention of thoughful Americans to 
the fact, that after thirty years of restrictive taxation 
against importations of foreign products, in exchange for 
our agricultural products, the homes and farms of the 
country have become burdened with mortgages of over 
two thousand five hundred millions dollars, exclusive of 
all other forms of indebtedness ; and they denounce a 
policy which fosters no industry so much as it does that 
of the Sheriff. 

6. They declare that trade exchanges on the basis of 
reciprocal advantages to the countries participating, is a 
time honored doctrine of the Democratic faith, but they 
denounce that reciprocity which juggles with the 
people's desire for enlarged foreign markets, and freer 
exchanges by pretending to establish trade relations for a 
country, whose articles of export are almost exclusively 
agricultural, which erecting a custom house barrier of 
prohibitive tariff taxes against the richest countries of the 
world, that are ready to take our entire surplus of pro- 
ducts, and to exchange therefor commodities which are 
necessary, and are comforts of life among our own people. 

7. They recognize in trusts and monopolies, which are 
designed by capitalists to secure more than their just share 
of the joint product of capital and labor, a natural con- 
sequence of prohibiting tariffs, which prevent that free 
competition, which is the life of honest trade; but they 
believe the worst evils can be abated by law, and they de- 
mand the rigid enforcement of laws made to prevent and 
control them, together with such farther legislation in re- 



104 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

straint of their abuses, as experience may show to be 
necessary. 

8. The policy of the Republican party, in regard to the 
public lands, is condemned; and that of the Democracy 
in regard to the same is commended. 

9. They hold to the use of both gold and silver as the 
standard money of the country, and to the coinage ot 
both gold and silver, without discrimination against 
either metal, or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of 
coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and ex- 
changeable value, or be adjusted by international agree- 
ment, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall in- 
sure the maintenance of the parity of the two metals, and 
the equal power of any dollar at all times, in the markets, 
and in the payment of debts; and they demand that all 
paper currency shall be kept at par and redeemable in 
such coin. They insist upon this policy as especially 
necessary for the protection of the farmers and laboring 
classes, the first most defenseless victims of unstable 
money, and a fluctuating currency. 

10. They again declare that public office is a public 
trust; and reaffirm the platform of 1876 in regard to the 
reform of the civil service, and they call for the honest 
enforcement of all laws in regard to the same. 

11. They declare the policy of the Democratic party 
in regard to foreign nations ; and favor the cultivation 
of friendly relations with other nations, especially with 
our neighbors on the American continent; and in this 
connection favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough 
for all purposes of national defense, and to properly 
maintain the honor and dignity of the country abroad. 

12. They express sympathy for those who are op- 
pressed for conscience sake, as practiced by the Russian 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 105 

government; and tender profound and earnest sympathy 
to those lovers of freedom, who are struggling for home 
rule, and the great cause of self government in Ireland. 

13. They renew their opposition to the making the 
United States the ''dumping"" grounds of the criminal 
and professional paupers of Europe, but denounce and 
condemn all attempts to restrict immigration of the in- 
dustrious and worthy of foreign lands. 

14. They renew their pledge of their appreciation of 
the patriotism of our soldiers and sailors, and favor 
liberal pensions for all disabled soldiers, their widows 
and dependent ones ; and they denounce the administra- 
tion of the pension department as incompetent, corrupt, 
disgracful and dishonest. 

15. They favor the improvement of the Mississippi 
Eiver, and our internal waterways, in order to secure 
easy and cheap transportation to tide water, from our 
interior states. 

16. For purposes of national defense and the promo- 
tion of commerce between the states, they favor the early 
construction of the Nicaragua Canal. 

17. Popular education being the only safe basis of 
popular suffrage, they commend to the several states 
most liberal appropriations for the purpose of schools; 
and they declare that free public schools are the nursery 
of the government, and have always received the foster- 
ing care of the Democratic party. Freedom of educa- 
tion being an essential of civil and religious liberty, as 
well as necessity, for the development of intelligence, 
they must not be interfered with under any pretext what- 
ever. 

18. They declared themselves opposed to state in- 
terference with parental rights, and rights of con- 



106 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

science in the education of children, as an infringement 
of the fundamental Democratic doctrine, that the largest 
individual liberty, consistent with the rights of others, 
insures the highest' type of American citizenship, and 
the best government. 

19. They favored the early admission, as states, of 
the territories of New Mexico and Arizona; and de- 
manded that the officers appointed within the same, and 
of the District of Columbia, and Alaska, should be 
bona fide residents of the same. The Democracy be- 
lieve in home rule, and the control of their own affairs 
by the people of the vicinage. 

20. They favored legislation by Congress and State 
Legislatures, to protect railway employes, and to those 
of other hazardous transportation companies. 

21. They favored the enactment by the states, of laws 
for the abolishment of the sweating convict system, and 
for abolishing contract convict labor, and for pro- 
hibiting the employment in factories of children under 
fifteen years of age. 

22. They opposed sumptuary laws as an interference 
with the individual rights of the citizen. 

23. Upon these issues the Democracy asked for a 
change in the administration of public affairs, and of a 
change of methods, and asked upon the same, the in- 
telligent judgment of the American people; and again 
elected Grover Cleveland, President. 

PLATFORM' JULY 7, 1 896. 

The folowing is substantially the now famous 
"Chicago Platform of 1896/' on which W. J. Bryan was 
nominated. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 107 

They reaffirmed their allegiance to those great essen- 
tial principles of justice and liberty upon which our in- 
stitutions are founded, and which the Democrat c party 
has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own — freedom 
of speech, freedom of conscience — -the preservation of 
personal rights, and equality of all citizens before the 
law, and faithful observance of constitutional limita- 
tions. During all these years, the Democratic party has 
resisted the tendency of selfish interests, to the central- 
ization of governmental power, and steadfastly main- 
tained the integrity of the dual system of government 
established by the founders of this Republic of Re- 
publics. Under its guidance and teachings the great 
principle of local self government has found its best 
expression in the maintainance of the rights of the 
states, and in its assertion of the necessity of con- 
fining the general government to the exercise of the 
powers granted by the constitution of the United States. 

Recognizing the money question is paramount to all 
others at this time, we invite attention to the fact, that 
the Federal Constitution names silver and gold together, 
as the money metals of the United States, and that the 
first coinage law passed by Congress under the con- 
stitution made the silver dollar the unit of value, and 
admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio measured by the 
silver unit. 

They declared the opinion, "that the act of 1873 
demonetizing silver, without the knowledge or approval 
of the American people, had resulted in the appreciation 
of gold, and a corresponding fall in the prices of com- 
modities produced by the people ; a heavy increase in 
the burden of taxation, and of all debts, public and 



108 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at 
home and abroad ; prostration of industry and impover- 
ishment of the people. They declared themselves un- 
alterably opposed to monometalism, which had locked 
fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the 
paralysis of hard times. Gold monometalism, they said, 
was a British policy and its adoption had brought other 
nations into financial servitude to London; it was not 
only un-American, but anti- American, and could be 
fastened on the United States only, by the stifling of that 
indominable spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed 
our political independence in 1776, and won it in the war 
of the Revolution," and then said, "we demand the free 
and unlimitd coinage of both gold and silver at the legal 
ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the consent or aid 
of any other nation; that the standard silver dollar 
should be a full legal tender, equal with gold for all debts 
public and private, and favored such legislation as would 
prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of 
legal tender money by private contract. 

They opposed the policy and practice of surrendering 
to holders of obligations of the United States, the option 
reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such 
in either silver or gold coin. 

They also opposed the issuing of interest-bearing 
bonds of the United States in time of peace, and con- 
demned the trafficking with banking syndicates, which in 
exchange for bonds, at enormous profit to themselves, 
supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the 
policy of gold monometalism. They said that Congress 
alone had the power to coin and issue money, and that 
President Jackson had declared that this power could not 
be delegated to corporations or individuals. They there- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 109 

fore demanded that the power to issue notes to circulate 
as money be taken from the national banks, and all paper 
money shall be issued directly by the Treasury Depart- 
ment redeemable in coin, and receivable for all debts, pub" 
lie and private. 

On the. subject of tariff they said : "We hold that tariff 
duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such du- 
ties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the 
country, and not discriminate between class or section. 
And that taxation should be limited by the needs of the 
government honestly and economically administered. 
They denounced as disturbing to business, the Republican 
threat, to restore the McKinley law, which had been 
twice condemned by the people in national elections, and 
which, enacted under a false plea of protection to home 
industry proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monop- 
olies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, re- 
stricted trade, and deprived producrs of the great Amer- 
ican staples of access to their natural markets. 

They said that, until the money question is setteld, they 
are opposed to any agitation for further changes in tariff 
laws, except such as are necessary to make up the deficit 
in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme 
Court on the income tax. But for that decision there 
would have been no deficit in the revenue under the law 
passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of 
the untiform decision of that court for nearly one hundred 
years, it having sustained Constitutional objections to its 
enactment, which had been overruled by the ablest judges 
who had ever sat on that bench. They declared it the duty 
of Congress to use all Constitutional power which re- 
mained after that decision, or which might come from 



110 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

its reversal, by the court as it might hereafter be consti- 
tuted so that the burdens of taxation might be equally 
and impartially laid, to the end, that wealth might bear 
its due proportion of the expenses of government. 

On the subject of labor they held "that the mast effi- 
cient way to protect American labor was to prevent the 
importation cf foreign pauper labor to compete with it in 
the home market, and that the home market to our Amer- 
ican farmers and artisans is greatly reduced below the 
cost of production, and thus deprived them of the means 
of purchasing the products of our home manufactures. 
The absorption of wealth by the few, it said, and the 
consolidation of our leading railroad systems, and the 
formation of trusts and pools, required a stricter control 
by the Federal Government of those arteries of com- 
merce ; they therefore demanded the enlargement of the 
powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and 
such restrictions and guarantees in the control of rail- 
roads as will protect the people from robbery and op- 
pression. 

They denounced the profligate waste of the money 
wrung from the people by oppressive taxation, and the 
lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, 
which had kept taxes high,, while labor, which paid them, 
was unemployed, and the products of the people's toil 
was depressed in price, till they no longer repaid the cost 
of production ; they therefore demanded a return to that 
simplicity and economy, which befits a Democratic Gov- 
ernment, and a reduction of useless offices, the salaries of 
which drain the substance of the people. They also de- 
nounced arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in 
local affairs as a violation of the Constitution, and a 
crime against free institutions ; and especially objected 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 111 

to government by injunctions as a new and highly dan- 
gerous form of oppression by which Federal Judges, in 
contempt of the laws of the States and the rights of cit- 
izens, become at once legislators, judges, and execu- 
tioners; and they approved the bill passed at the preced- 
ing session of the United States Senate, pending in the 
House relative to contempts in Federal Courts, and pro- 
viding for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt 
(which bill has since become a law.) 

They further declared, that no discrimination should 
be indulged by the government of the United States in 
favor of any of its debtors; approved of the refusal of 
the Fifty-third Congress to> pass the Pacific Railroad 
Funding Bill, and denounced the effort of the then ex- 
isting Republican Congress to enact a similar measure. 

Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union 
soldiers, they heartily endorsed the rule of the Commis- 
sioner of Pensions, that no names should be arbitrarily 
dropped from the pension roll ; and that the fact of en- 
listment and service should be deemed conclusive evi- 
dence against, or disability before enlistment. 

They also favored the admission of the Territories of 
Xew Mexico, and Arizona into the Union as States, and 
the early admission of all the Territories having the 
necessary population and resources to entitle them to 
Statehood, and while they remained Territories, they 
held, that the officials appointed to administer the gov- 
ernment of any Territory, together with the District of 
Columbia, and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of 
the Territory or district in which their duties are to be 
performed. 

They declared that, they believed in home rule, and 
that all public lands of the United States s/hould be ap- 



112 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

propriated to the establishment of free homes for Amer- 
ican citizens. They also recommended that Alaska be 
granted a delegate in Congress, and that the general land 
and timber laws of the United States should be extended 
to that Territory. 

They extended their sympathy to the people of Cuba 
in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence. 

They opposed life tenure in the public service ; and 
favored appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of 
office, and such an administration of the civil service 
laws, as would afford equal opportunities to all citizens 
of ascertained fitness. 

They also declared, that the Federal Government 
should care for and improve the Mississippi River, and 
other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure 
for the interior states easy and cheap transportation to 
tide water ; and that when any waterway of the Republic 
is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Govern- 
ment, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan 
of continuous work until permanent improvement is 
secured. 

They also declared as a new plank in a Democratic 
platform, that, it was the unwritten law of the Republic, 
established by the customs and usages of a hundred 
years, sanctioned by the examples of the greatest and 
wisest of those who founded, and maintained our Gov- 
ernment, that no man should be eligible for a third term 
of the Presidential office. 

Finally, confiding in the justice of their cause, and the 
necessity of its success at the polls, they submitted the 
foregoing declaration of principles and purposes to the 
considerate judgment of the American people. They 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 113 

invited the support of all citizens who approved them, 
and who desired to have them made effective through 
legislation for the relief of the people, and the restora- 
tion of the country's prosperity. 

Of this platform it may be said, that upon the coinage 
question at the ratio of i 6 to I, a difference of opinion 
arose. There were other matters of disagreement but 
that was evidently the principal one. There was another 
Convention subsequently held, and Palmer, of Illinois, 
and Buckner, of Kentucky, nominated for President and 
Vice President, for whom 132,056 votes were cast 
throughout the Union. This difference of opinion still 
exists, at this writing. What the result will be, must be 
recorded, after the next National Democratic Conven- 
tion to meet on July 4, 1900, at Kansas City has been 
held. 

For an explanation of the money question, mani- 
fested as a second difference of opinion (the slavery 
question was the other) in the period of one hundred 
years, reference may be had to another chapter. 



CHAPTER VI. 

FURTHER PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY — STATE RIGHTS — 
SECESSION THE RIGHT OF COERCION, ETC. 

We have now gone through with a brief statement of 
the principles of the Democracy, as ascertained from the 
expressions of leading Democratic statesmen, and the 
declarations of the party in their National Conventions. 

There are still other questions deemed necessary to 
more fully explain, giving reasons and circumstances 
under which they have become settled as Democratic doc- 
trines. 

To a very great extent they could have been settled by 
applying the declarations of prominent leaders, and of 
the resolutions in Democratic platforms to their solution ; 
but, having, to some extent been the subject of discus- 
sion in the party, we have concluded to give a separate 
statement of each, together with the reasons upon which 
founded. 

In some instances they assume the character of de- 
fences against charges made by the opponents of the 
party; and in others, as expositions of their views upon 
these particular questions. 

They will be treated successively to as full an extent 
as our limits will permit, and can be equally as strongly 
relied upon as the fixed and settled conclusions of the 
party, as evidenced by the utterances of leading members 
of the party, supported by its platforms and public as- 
semblies, until no longer questioned. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 115 

Ths Principle of State Rights.— The rights of the 
States tinder our Federal Constitution had long been a 
question discussed, on which great differences of opinion 
had arisen, within the Democratic party. The views 
held by Thomas Jefferson, Madison and Andrew Jack- 
son is the one always prevailing in National Conventions 
— the only body having power to settle the question for 
the whole party, viz: That the general government is 
one of expressly granted powers, in the exercise of which 
it is supreme. That these powers, faithfully and vigor- 
ously carried out are necessary to the general welfare of 
the whole. That all powers not expressly granted in 
the Constitution to the Federal Government, in the lan- 
guage of that instrument itself, are reserved to the States 
and to the people. 

The Republican party at the time of its organization 
planted itself upon this doctrine ; and in their platform 
at Chicago, when Abraham Lincoln was first nominated 
for President, they passed the following resolution: 

"Four tli. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights 
of the States, and especially the right of each State to 
order and control its own domestic institutions accord- 
ing 10 its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that 
balance of power on which the perfection and endurance 
of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the law- 
less invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or 
Territory, no matter under what pretext, a£" one of the 
gravest of crimes/' 

So thoroughly had this Constitutional doctrine en- 
grafted itself upon the public mind — found utterance in 
both of the great political parties, and in their platforms,, 
that it ought to have been acquiesced in by all. 



116 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

The National Democratic party still adheres to that 
idea. It is unalterably fixed in its creed ; but it has not 
appeared in the Republican party platform from that 
time to the present, while the Democracy have reaf- 
firmed the same upon every occasion. Ever since the 
days of Jackson's administration has the question of the 
right of secession been settled, so far as the power of a 
national party convention could settle it. No matter 
what individual members of the party may have said ; no 
matter what State and District Conventions may have 
declared on the subject, the National Convention only 
of a national party, can -finally settle national questions; 
and, therefore, no matter how frothy orators may ,f fret 
and fume, and tear passion into tatters" over a "seces- 
sion Democracy," the record proves that the right of se- 
cession never was the doctrine of the National Demo- 
cratic party. 

The Republican party has frequently announced that 
our Government was not a league, but a nation; but no 
true Jackson Democrat ever disputed that proposition as 
he understands it. Jackson, in his immortal proclama- 
tion, said : 

"The Constitution of the United States, then, forms 
a government, not a league; whether it be formed by 
compact between the States or otherwise, or in any other 
manner, its character is the same. It is a government in 
which the people are represented, whi'ch operates directly 
on the people individually, not upon the States ; they 
retain all the power they did not grant. But each State 
having expressly parted with so many powers as to con- 
stitute jointly with the other States, a single nation can- 
not from that period possess any right to secede, because 
such secession does not break a league, but destroys the 
unity of the nation; and any injury to that unity is net 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 117 

only a breach which would result from the contravention 
of a contract ; but it is an offence against the whole Un- 
ion. To say that any State may at pleasure secede front 
the Union, is to say that the United States is not a 
nation; because it would be a solecism to contend that 
any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with 
the other party, to their injury and ruin, without com- 
mitting any offence. Secession, like any other revolu- 
tionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity of 
oppression; but to call it a 'Constitutional right' is con- 
founding the meaning of terms, and can only be done 
through gross error, or to deceive those who are willing 
to assert a right, but would pause before they made a 
revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a 
failure." 

Herein is set forth in the plainest terms the principles 
adhered to by the great Democratic party of the coun- 
try. The Democracy have through all the past ; through 
years of sectional madness and party strife adhered in 
conscious integrity to those views, that they have been 
denounced by enraged sectionalists — Xorth and South 
— until reason has been again enthroned, and the nation 
can see where they have stood all these years. 

They constitute the only party which has a record 
upon this question, dating from its first inception to the 
present moment. Democrats opposed the Xew England 
secessionists who held the Hartford convention in the 
interest of northern nullification and seccession ; they op- 
posed the South Carolina nullifiers at a later date, and 
have as a great national organization, opposed the doc- 
trine at all times, under all circumstances, and against all 
persons, no matter whether they claimed to be Demo- 
crats or not. But it may be said, as it frequently has 
been, unjustly, that when the rebellion was first organ- 
ized, a Democratic administration did not do its duty to 



118 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

suppress it. President Buchanan, elected by southern as 
well as northern votes, denied the right of secession. He 
was a representative Democrat, and he said in his mes- 
sage of December, i860: "This government is a great 
and powerful government, invested with all the attrib- 
utes of sovereignty over the subjects to which its author- 
ity extends. Its framers never intended to plant in its 
bosom the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they 
guilty of the absurdity of providing for its own dissolu- 
tion. It was not intended by its framers to be the base- 
less fabric of a vision, which at the touch of the en- 
chanter, would vanish in thin air; but a substantial and 
mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow 7 decay of time, 
and defying the storms of ages. * * * In short, let 
us look the danger fully in the face; secession is neither 
more nor less than revolution." 

Thus, it will be seen, that at no time,. even the most crit- 
ical, have true national Democrats either in national con- 
ventions, or by their chief executives ever countenanced 
secession. Therefore, a Democrat, as such, subscribes 
to the soundest plank ever put forth by either party on 
the subject of the relation of the Federal to the State 
governments. 

Fanaticism never stops to reason. Driven by honest 
impulses, it rushes to its object without regard to obsta- 
cles. So it was with the secession movement, and so it 
was with the political abolitionists of the North. Driven 
on, they ceased not their agitation until the clash of arms 
came. Slavery went down, and now it becomes the duty 
of every patriot to repair the injury done by war, and 
place our institutions on a more solid foundation than 
ever before. The disturbing cause is removed, and it is 
time for sober reflection and intelligent action, so that we 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 119 

may preserve intact the government our fathers trans- 
mitted to us, unimpaired, unchanged, and vigorous as 
it came from the hands of its founders. To do this, we 
conscientiously believe, the great Democratic party of 
the Union now offers the best means by which this can be 
done. It reaches out into every section of this great 
country; it stands united upon these grand principles of 
fraternal union, upon the basis of the Constitution ; the 
just rights of the Federal government undisputedly 
granted to it, while the reserved rights of the States are 
equally preserved to them. It is the only na- 
tional party that can conciliate angry sections, and make 
this country what the sages and heroes of the revolu- 
tion designed it should be, a sisterhood of States, a land 
of freedom, a home for the oppressed of all lands. 

Th£ Right of Coercion. — It has been said by some 
who have but poorly studied the formation of our gov- 
ernment, that because Democrats opposed coercion 
before the rebellion commenced, that therefore it was "a 
disloyal party." Andrew Johnson, Senator from Ten- 
nessee, then applauded for his opinions, and the candi- 
date of the Republican party for Vice President in 1864, 
elected by them, and afterwards President of the United 
States, -held these views. He said in the Senate of the 
United States, on December 18, i860: "The Federal 
government has no power to coerce a state, because by 
the eleventh amendment of the Constitution of the Uni- 
ted States, it is expressly provided that you cannot even 
put one of those States before the courts of the country 
as a party. As a State, the Federal Government has no 
power to coerce it ; but each State was a party to the com- 
pact to which it agreed with the other States, and this 
government has the right to pass laws, and to enforce 



120 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

those lazes on individuals, and it has the right and power, 
not to coerce a State, but to enforce and execute the law 
upon individuals within the limits of a State." 

This was the view held by Hon. John A. Logan, sub- 
sequently their candidate for Vice President, and by 
many other members of the Republican party, and why 
should it be strange that Democrats announced those 
doctrines ? 

They did not deny the duty and power of the Federal 
Government to enforce its laws at the point of the bayo- 
net, if resisted. 

President Buchanan, in his message to Congress, on 
January 8, A. D. 1861, says: 

"The dangerous and hostile attitude of the States tow- 
ard each other, has already far transcended and cast in 
the shade the ordinary executive duties, already provided 
for by law, and has assumed such vast and alarming pro- 
portions as to place the subject entirely beyond executive 
control. The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the 
midst of a great revolution. In all its various bearings, 
therefore, / commend the question to Congress, as the 
only human tribunal, under Providence, possessing the 
power to meet the existing emergency. To them, exclu- 
sively belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize 
the employment of the military force, in all cases con- 
templated by the Constitution/' 

Congress might then have taken action. The Repub- 
lican party had the power in both branches of Congress, 
by reason of the secession of Southern Senators, who 
left the Republicans in control of the Senate, and they 
had held the House of Representatives before that event 
occurred. No person ever doubted the right and duty ot 
Congress to pass laws to enable the President to defend 
the Union against armed rebellion. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 121 

At this time the question of coercion had already 
passed away. Some of the Southern States had already 
seceded and taken forcible possession of public property, 
and had, themselves, become the assailants. To this Con- 
gress the President appealed to decide the question ; but 
though the Republicans were in power in both branches, 
Congress shrank from its duty. It might have been 
commendable had it desired to prevent the effusion of 
fraternal blood, and restore the Union. Perhaps that 
was their object; still the duty of the hour confronted 
them and they shrank from it. Had Congress promptly 
passed the bill to enable the President to call forth the 
militia, or to accept the services of volunteers, as Lincoln 
did when Congress was not in session, it might com- 
plain; but it failed to do so, and is estopped from charg- 
ing others with a want of vigor in this respect. 

Why, then, charge Democrats with dereliction of duty, 
when its own chosen party legislative power was then 
assembled, and failed to do that w r ith which they would 
now blame the Democracy! It was his duty to enforce 
the laws — theirs to pass them! Then how absurd to 
blame others for that which they were guilty of them- 
selves. 

This, then, is a brief allusion to the subject ot cocer- 
cion, and the exercise of military power to suppress the 
rebellion, and there is nothing in it that any Democrat 
need blush to acknowledge. 

These sound views of the Constitution, and convic- 
tions of patriotic duty in those trying days of our na- 
tional peril, should induce men to rally under the flag of 
Democracy, and place in power those who have been 
true to the great principles of free institutions, upon 
which our government is founded. 



CHAPTER VII. 
SOME) cardinal doctrines of democracy — the right 

OF PETITION, PUBLIC MEETINGS, SUPREM- 
ACY OF THE LAW, ETC. 

The Right of Petition for a redress of grievances, is a 
right conceded and sanctioned by Democratic principles. 
That this right has been abused is no argument against 
its proper use. When it is made the means of insulting 
legislative bodies, and of consuming much valuable time, 
and merely for political effect, it is not to be commended. 
Still it may correct many wrongs, and the foundation 
upon which the right rests is and must ever remain in- 
violate. The people deprived of this right, would im- 
mediately degrade the real sovereign — the people in 
the eyes of the servant — the representative. It is as 
necessary a right as that of free speech or a free press. 
It is a privilege, not denied by Deity itself, and is a right 
inherent in the people, or wherever the relation of in- 
ferior to superior in power exists. How much more 
proper is it, where the real sovereign has entrusted his 
authority, for a brief season, to his chosen representative. 
To petition, in the Democratic sense of the word, is, 
simply directing those in power, in what their constitu- 
ents conceive to be, the discharge of their duties. When 
considered however, in the light of a possibility, that the 
servant has taken the oath of office, and his supposed 
superior facility for acquiring necessary information, and 
his relations to his oath of office, where required to bind 
his conscience as such, it is of doubtful utility. It is 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 123 

always commendable when resorted to for a redress of 
grievances., and in such instance is, in accordance with 
the highest conception of free government. The right 
of petition here spoken of is, that right of citizens to pe- 
tition the law-making power for a redress of grievances. 
It must not be confounded with that of petitioning, by 
force of numbers, to the executive in case of pardons, 
which is, in many instances, rather the subversion of the 
wholesome execution of the law. So also petitions by 
the army are not favored in free governments. So care- 
fully is this right, and prerogative of the legislator and 
legislative bodies guarded, that they must be presented 
in accordance with the rules of legislative bodies, and 
within the true spirit of the privilege granted. When 
presented by large bodies, accompanied by physical de- 
monstrations, either by crowds, armed or unarmed, in 
or outside of legislative halls, they partake of the nature 
of threats and intimidations, and are therefore subver- 
sive, rather than conducive to the well being of a free 
people. In such instances, the demonstration is contrary 
to Democratic principles. Legislative and deliberative 
bodies must be perfectly free. 

Democrats therefore should discriminate between the 
uses, and abuses of this right of petition. 

This right, when asserted for its rightfully intended 
purposes, is a right never to be surrendered. The weak- 
ness of men. oftimes induces them to grant their signa- 
tures to petitions, rather than refuse, and thus this means 
of informing legislative bodies, is rather calculated to 
confuse than to direct. Yet when it is considered, that 
this sacred right of the people to petition, can in no event 
do harm, especially when directed to a body of men or- 
dinarily intellingent, and serve, to direct public attention 



124 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

to wrongs and grievances; as well as to support meas- 
ures, and aid public servants in the support of public 
duties, it becomes a privilege that can by no means be 
denied. 

Public Meetings and Associations. — Democracy 
favors public meetings and associations. Closely allied 
to the right of petition is the right of the citizens peace- 
ably to assemble and petition their public servants for a 
redress of grievances. 

These, too-, may become dangerous, and laws may be 
passed to direct and control them, without in anyway in- 
fringing upon these rights. Their danger may be seen 
in the system of clubs in France during the Revolution. 

This right of association is at the foundation of the 
existence of political parties ; the assembling of Conven- 
tions ; the conferences of churches ; and societies for the 
purpose of mental, physical, social, religious, improve- 
ment, and many other purposes are of this character; 
and there never was a time when there were so many of 
them as now. 

"The principle of association is higly conducive to free 
government, and during later years is much resorted to. 
It is educative, conservative, and preservative; as a 
means of acquiring political knowledge it is scarcely ex- 
celled. It tends towards conservatism in government, 
because all phases of public questions are therein dis- 
cussed, and it. is preservative of the liberties of the 
people, because it gives the people the opportunity to 
hear and discuss measures designed for their general 
welfare. 

The Democratic party was the first to break off from 
the old system of Congressional nominations for Presi- 
dent, and to organize a new tribunal — a Convention of 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 125 

the people — to place in nomination candidates, upon this 
principle. 

The organization of a National Convention by the 
.Democracy, led to similar Conventions by all parties, 
and for all political and civil divisions ; until no move- 
ment is now carried on successfully unless a meeting of 
those who sympathize with each other on public ques- 
tions or purposes, is first held to proclaim their purposes, 
and appoint their committees, by w T hich these organiza- 
tions are perpetuated and made effective. Strike down 
this principle, and the American people would soon lose 
that self-reliance, energy, and power, necessary to the 
successful administration of public affairs. 

It is the spirit of Democracy itself, exemplified ; with- 
out it free government could scarcely exist. 

The Supremacy of the Law. — Every citizen must 
be subject to the law: that is, he must be subject to 
nothing else than the law. All exercise of arbitrary or 
mob law is contrary to Democratic principles. The law 
must be the only and universal rule of conduct, to which 
all must bow with equal and proper submission. It must 
not be an ex post facto law, but published to the world. 
All must have an opportunity to obey it, and, conse- 
quently, must be presumed to have knowledge of it — 
that is, the law must be made before the case arises to 
which it is applied. Fairness demands this. There 
must be no extraordinary courts or government com- 
missions organized for special cases, or to benefit special 
parties. 

There can be no mere proclamations by executive of- 
ficers ; dictations from mobs, or from any people who 
claim to be alone the people, except in their legally or- 
ganized capacity. 



126 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Martial law can, therefore, not be declared, and cit- 
izens subiected to military duty, unless actually in the 
military service, tried for alleged offenses, by virtue of 
such proclamations, declarations, or orders, "except in 
cases where rebellion exists.'' 

It is sometimes said this can be done zvhen rebellion 
exists ; but according to the Democratic interpretation of 
the provision, and Democratic principles, martial law 
can only be property and justly reclared zuhere rebellion 
exists, and the civil courts closed. 

When the courts are open, and offenders can be tried 
in the usual way according to the forms of the civil law, 
there can be no necessity for military courts. 

This principle involves the suspension of the great 
writ of Habeas Corpus, and on this point the Constitu- 
tion of the United States declares that "the privilege of 
the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, un- 
less, when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public 
safety may require it." 

The adverb zvhen is here vised as to time, instead of 
where, as to place; however, as it is qualified by "when 
the public safety requires it" — and being reasonable to 
suppose that "public safety" would not require such ex- 
treme measures in all parts of the country at the same 
time, where the courts are open and prepared to execute 
law by the usual civil processes, the practice has been in 
conformity to the rule here laid down, to suspend the 
writ only in such districts of the country, as was required 
4 .o subserve the public welfare. 

It may be said that even this provision of the Consti- 
tution authorizes arbitrary proceedings, and may be in 
violation of a Democratic principle ; but it must be re- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 127 

membered that another principle here comes to the relief 
of freemen. 

Dr. Francis Leiber, in his work on Civil Liberty, says 
" that the principle of 'the Supremacy of the Law/ leads 
to a principle that has never been attempted to be trans- 
planted from soil inhabited by Anglican people, but has 
been in our system of a thorough government of law, 
as distinguished from a government of 'functionaries/ 
and that is this : Ever}* officer, high or low, remains per- 
sonally answerable to the person affected, for the legality 
of the acts he executes, no matter whether his lawful su- 
perior orders it or not. If it be illegal, the person -who 
executes it remains responsible for the act, although the 
President or king should have ordered it : or the offend- 
ing person be a soldier obeying his commander." 

This is a stern laWj but a sacred Democratic principle. 
A strict government of law cannot dispense with it, and it 
has worked well. It secures to the fullest extent the 
rights of the citizen. 

The Military Subservient to the Civie Law. 
Governments have it in their power to worry people into 
submission when the rights of the private citizen is con- 
cerned. One of the means resorted to has been, that of 
quartering soldiers upon disaffected or obnoxious cit- 
izens. To guard the citizen against a violation of his 
rights to a peaceable and quiet home, the following limi- 
tation upon government, has been placed in the Consti- 
tution of the United States providing that "no soldier 
shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house with- 
out the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in 
a manner prescribed by law." 

This safeguard, although justly pointd out, is but a 
part of the more general one, that the military power of 



328 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

a state must be submissive to the civil authorities. It 
is a Democratic principle, to jealously guard the rights 
of the people against the usurpations of the military 
authorities. Ever since free 'governments have had an 
existence, it has been found necessary, in various ways, 
to prevent the army from becoming independent of the 
legislative authority. There is no liberty, for one who 
has been educated in the Democratic school, where there 
is not a perfect submission of the army to the legislature 
of the people. For these purposes appropriations are 
made for the army, for only brief periods. The legis- 
lature — the popular branch thereof, especially, must 
have control of the purse of the nation. In no case 
must they hold the sword of a people, also control their 
treasury. The Constitution of the United States, it is 
true, makes the President Commander in Chief of the 
army and navy, but he cannot enlist a man, or pay a 
soldier unless in pursuance of law ; and his attempt to do 
so, would subject him to impeachment by the representa- 
tives of the people, and removal from office by the Sen- 
ate. The importance of this principle, the dependence 
of the army upon the civil power, cannot be too strongly 
impressed upon the people. It was one of the griev- 
ances alleged against the British Crown in the Declara- 
tion of Independence, that it had "attempted to render 
the military independent of and superior to, the civil 
power." Standing armies are always dangerous to civil 
liberty, because usually depending upon executive power. 
They infuse into a whole nation a spirit directly opposite 
to the general spirit of a free people devoted to self- 
government. 

A nation of freemen should stand committed to obedi- 
ence to law ; an armv teaches obedience to "orders." Self 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 129 

sustaining law and order ought to pervade a free people ; 
simple command rules the army. It makes no difference 
whether an army is ''Democratic" or not. The danger 
is only so much greater, when the army is a part of 
the people. No better illustrations can be found of this 
danger than in the past history of France. The prin- 
ciple of entire submission of the army to the civil power, 
is one that should never be lost sight of by a Democratic 
free people. 

The War Power. — Democracy teaches that the power 
to declare was must, like the power to raise revenue, re- 
main with the immediate representative of the people. 
The executive pow T er would be a dangerous repository of 
this power. If the funds of the people should be alone 
controlled by them how much more should the power 
over their lives and money be retained. 

The people cannot be said to be free when this power 
is surrendered by them, into other than their own hands, 
They must fight their own battles ; they must furnish the 
means to carry on the war; and they alone should have 
the authority to commence hostilities. 

"When the executive power has not only the nominal, 
but the real power of declaring war," says Dr. Leiber, 
"we cannot speak of civil liberty or self-government ;" 
for that which most essentially affects the people in all 
their relations, is in that case beyond their control. 

Liberty of Conscience. — Liberty of Conscience — the 
right to worship as man pleases — is a fundamental Dem- 
ocratic principle. No system of liberty is perfect with- 
out this right. Church and state in a system of Democra- 
tic free government are entirely separate. This principle 
forbids civil government from founding or endowing 
churches, or demanding a religious qualification for office 
10 



130 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

under such government. It is not hostile to religion; 
but if one sect, or denomination, or church, could be up- 
held, another could be persecuted or destroyed. No 
worship can be interfered with, and none can be estab- 
lished by law. Calamitous consequences might easily 
follow, if this right were not strictly maintained. 

PERSONAL LIBERTY — PRIVATE PROPERTY — FREE COM- 
MUNICATIONS 

It is impossible to imagine liberty in all its fullness, 
if the people are not entirely independent. They must 
not be coerced into measures by executive or military 
power. Their agents must be free from arrests while 
in attendance upon legislative assemblies. No influence 
from without, must be admitted into their councils. The 
legislative power must not be dictated to by any power. 
We must allow no entangling alliances with foreign na- 
tions, whereby they may dictate the laws of our own land. 

Individual liberty requires strong guarantees. 

That the individual must have guarantees aga A nst the 
repository of power, is one of the elementary principles 
of Democracy. Thus it is, that we have the maxims, 
"Every man's house is his castle," "general warrants 
shall not be issued/' and the "writ of habeas corpus shall 
not be suspended/' and etc. 

Every man's house is his castle. No one can enter 
the same save by the writs of the law. A writer once 
said, "It may be a straw built hut ; the wind may whistle 
around it ; the rain may enter it ; but even the king, the 
government may not." 

It is a bold declaration against a mere police govern- 
ment ; and an acknowledgment of individual security, 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 131 

as opposed to governmental power, which dignifies this 
guarantee. 

No general warrants shall issue. The Constitution 
declares "no warrants shall issue but upon probable 
cause supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly 
describing the place to be searched and the person or 
things to be seized/' This directly opposes police 
searches and seizures, which must be done only in pur- 
suance of particular warrants. 

Again, the great writ of habeas corpus secures the 
citizen against unjust imprisonment, and long delay of 
trial. At the demand of the accused he must be im- 
mediately brought before a court, who may liberate him, 
admit him to bail, or remand him upon the proper show- 
ing being made. "It allows of no administrative ar- 
rests." It proclaims against the arrest of "political sus- 
pects." It demands a speedy trial. These are funda- 
mental Democratic principles, and principles potent as 
guarantees of personal liberty. 

Excessive bail shall not be required. A man is held 
to be innocent until he is proved guilty. If judges could 
demand exorbitant bail, they might defeat this whole- 
some principle. 

It should be noted, that trials by impeachment, are not 
trials for treason. Impeachment is a trial for political 
incapacity, hence by the Senate generally, upon present- 
ment by the House of Representatives. 

A well secured penal trial ; protection to indicted per- 
sons ; certainty of defense ; a distinct indictment charg- 
ing a distinct act, which it is the duty of the government 
to prove, and not the duty of the prisoner to prove his 
innocence; the fairness of the trial of the prisoner, by a 



132 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

jury of his peers, according to the usual sound' rules of 
evidence ; the publicity of the trial by accusatorial not 
inquisitorial process of trials ; certainty of the law ; 
speedy, impartial and absolute verdicts, are safeguards 
of personal liberty. 

The reason for these rules is obvious. The party ac- 
cused forms one party; society,-— the State, — the govern- 
ment, forms the other. It is clear that unless very strong, 
distinct guarantees of protection are afforded, that the 
accused has a fair and impartial trial by jury, that noth- 
ing be adjudged against him but what the law already de- 
mands, there can be no security against oppression. 

Government being the custodian of power, and power 
being always desirous of carrying its point — the desire 
increasing in intensity as difficulties are in its way — there 
is no better security than that which places the whole 
burden upon the accusing party. 

Democracy is so jealous of the personal liberty of the 
individual, that it demands these securities against 
arbitrary power. 

Democratic principles demand that there be no such 
a thing as a "political offence." 

It follows that a well regulated penal trial must be had 
— the individual being placed opposite to public power 
— a carefully organized trial for treason, well defined, is 
absolutely necessary. There the rule changes. Govern- 
ment is no longer the accusing power in theory, but is the 
offending power; but endowed with the force of the 
government -o annoy, persecute, and crush the citizen; 
hence it is that in the United States, (and we believe 
all the States,) treason against the Government is clearly 
defined in the Constitution itself. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 133 

The Constitution of the United States declares : 

"i. Treason against the United States shall consist 
only in levying war against them, or adhering to their 
enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall 
be convicted of treason unless upon the testimony of two 
witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open 
court. 

"2. Congress shall have power to declare the pun- 
ishment for treason; hut no attainder of treason shall 
work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during' 
the life of the person attainted/' 

To repeat, therefore, the principles governing the 
liberty of the citizen in this respect, we formulate them 
as follows: 

"1. The indictment must be clear as to facts and 
time when the offence has been committed. 

"2. The accused must have, after indictment, a suf- 
ficient time before the trial, so as to be able to prepare 
for it. 

"He must have a list of witnesses against him a certain 
time beforehand. 

"3. Counsel must be allowed to the accused as a 
matter of course; peers of the accused must be the 
judges, and, consequently, must not be asked before- 
hand, what the result will be. 

"Perfect publicity must be obtained from beginning to 
end. 

"4. Hearsay must be excluded from the trial; con- 
fession must be free and in open court; there must be no 
physical torture or coercion; and there must be good 
witnesses, and the judges must not depend upon execu- 
tive power. No evidence must be admitted in criminal 



134 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

that is not admitted upon other trials ; there must be no 
constructive treason, and the courts must not be politi- 
cal bodies." 

All these guarantees are secured either by Constitu- 
tional or statutory law. 

The Democratic party has ever prided itself upon 
favoring the largest amount of liberty of the citizen con- 
sistent with public order; and of shielding to the fullest 
possible extent the personal liberty of the citizen — hence 
these well established rules regulating his personal and 
political liberty are fundamental doctrines of the Dem- 
ocratic party, and -should be implicitly adhered to under 
all circumstances. 

The Security of Private Property. — Democracy 
demands the strongest guarantees to be thrown around 
private property. 

It shall not be taken for public use, except that full 
compensation be first made. 

It includes the unrestrained right of producing and 
exchanging the same. It prohibits the unfair use of the 
tariff by monopolies, and promotes entire commercial 
freedom. It demands that it be not taken without the 
consent of the owner ; and, even, when it concedes the 
right of Government to take a portion, by the way of tax- 
ation, it demands that no more be taken even for that 
purpose, than precisely sufficient to meet the necessities 
of Government, and that it be equally assessed upon all 
alike. 

This principle goes so far as even not to permit it to 
be taken in the shape of a punishment for crime ; and 
forbids its forfeiture beyond the life of the person who 
has been, himself, found guilty of treason. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 135 

We may here say that a person may deprive himself 
: liberty, or the liberty to use this property during his 
lifetime, because of a conviction of crime: but it would 
be unjust to punish his heirs for his own crime; and, 
hence cannot be confiscated beyond the period of his 
own life, for his own misdeeds. 

This principle also forbids even the supreme power 
of a State, from passing any law impairing the validity 
of contracts already made. 

All these rights and privileges are founded upon cor- 
rect Democratic principles — condemnation of monopolies ; 
freedom in trading : freedom of home-production ; free- 
dom in the exchange of commodities ; possession of prop- 
erty ; taxation; confiscation; each and every one of these 
has a long history — full of struggles against error and 
ernmental interference, far too long to be here in- 
serted, and can be only hinted at in a work so limited as 
this is intended to be ; yet each and every one is founded 
upon Democratic principles, and can in no way be violat- 
ed without trenching upon the liberties of the people, in 
a free Democratic government. Repudiation of public 
debts is not a Democratic principle : it is a serious wrong, 
which no States, county, or municipality can indulge in 
without doing violence to Democratic principles. 

Public Funds.— Democracv favors the keeping of 
public funds under the direct control of the law-making 
power, notably under the more immediate control of the 
popular branch of legislative assemblies. 

It has almost become a sort of common law where it 
has not been made a Constitutional provision, that rev- 
enue bills and appropriations of public funds, should 
originate in the popular branch of assemblies. In the 



136 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

English parliament, so jealous are the Commons of this, 
their right, that they will not permit the House of Lords 
to even propose amendments to such bills. 

If this power were left to the executive will, soon 
public liberty would have an end. It would be highly 
un-Democratic to withold necessary public supplies ; 
but it is the high prerogative of the people to tax them- 
selves, and to tax no people without their consent. 

Democracy requires taxation and representation to go 
hand in hand. Specific purposes must be announced when 
taxes are to be levied, and applied to such purposes and 
no other; specific appropriations made for specific pur- 
poses, and used for such purposes only. 

Democracy cannot consent that any power other than 
the people, through their immediate representatives, 
shall transfer public funds from one to another and a 
different purpose.* 

Furthermore, Democracy denies to the executive the 
power to exceed in expenditure the several amounts ap- 
propriated for certain purposes. 

It is a vital principle of Democracy, that the purse 
strings remain m the hands of the popular branch of the 
legislature; and that the taxing and expending power 
be in all cases left with the immediate representatives of 
the people. 

Publicity of Public Business. — Democracy favors 
public business to be transacted in a public manner. The 
publication of public accounts, and of the votes of public 
servants. It holds in detestation star chamber proceed- 
ings, and inquisitions. It denounces secret political 



* "No taxes shall be levied except In pursuance <3f law, to which 
purpose only it shall be applied." 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 137 

parties. It demands the publication of all public proceed- 
ings, and favors the open discussion of public questions. 

The public discussion of great questions in public 
journals is one* great means of disseminating truths, yet 
oral discussions, before judges and juries, and in public 
assemblies are even more important, and promotive of 
public liberty. Democracy favors publicity to the fullest 
extent, of all transactions in public business. It tends to 
purity in the administration of public affairs, honesty in 
the disbursement of public funds ; preserves and pro- 
motes public economy, and guards the public against 
many frauds and peculations that otherwise could not 
well be avoided. Publicity informs, teaches, educates. 
It is promotive of patriotism ; it sounds the alarm bell in 
seasons of public danger. It is conducive to eloquence; 
it prepares the citizen for public duties ; it is, it^ short, the 
life blood of public liberty, and a leading principle of the 
American Democracy. 

Freedom of Elections. — The Democratic principle 
requires absolute freedom of the citizen in casting his 
ballot. On election day he is a sovereign. Though still 
amenable to the laws, he is free from arrest in going to 
and from the polls. 

The executive power should have no authority over 
elections. The electors, themselves, should have charge 
of their own elections. 

They must be absolutely free from military control. 
No troops must be allozved to be stationed near the place 
where elections arc held, to overawe the voters. 

The principle of permitting executive officers to ap- 
point managers for elections is un-Democratic, and tends 
to a subversion of the free elective principle ; but if it 
be done, the minority should always be represented on 



138 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the boards, receiving and counting the ballots. No in- 
timidation of voters should be permitted. 

Corruption at the polls is one of the most dangerous 
practices, and is evidence of decay in free government. 
The unbought, unawed, and absolute judgment of the 
voter should alone find a lodgment in the ballot-box. 
When the citizen will sell this — his dearest birthright — 
for money, or anything of value, it should be so heinous 
a crime as to prevent him ever afterwards from exercis- 
ing the right. 

Another principle is, that the legislative body shall 
alone be the judges of the election, and qualification of 
its members. 

The executive should have no control, whatever, in 
determining the election of members. 

So too, when elections have been free, so should the 
representatives of the people be free when met to legis- 
late. They must be free to adopt their own rules of 
proceeding. They must not be questioned for any 
speech or debate uttered, while in session. They, too, 
must be free from arrest while in attendance upon their 
sessions. All must be upon a perfect equality. One 
must have precisely the right of each and every other 
member. 

There can be no inequality among members, save that 
which ability and industry will produce. Frequent re- 
turn and election of members is another vital principle 
of Democracy. A wholesome fear of constituents to whom 
they must return for a fresh lease of power, has a re- 
straining and energizing influence upon representatives ; 
and Democracy for these reasons favors a frequent re- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 139 

turn of power to the people, the source of all political 
power and authority. 

Locomotion, Communion and Emigration. — The 
freedom of communion is a precious principle of De- 
mocracy — of free government. 

It should be remembered that the Constitution of the 
United States is made up of grants of power. When a 
power is not expressly granted, it is reserved to the 
States or the people. 

It is one of the most precious of all individual rights. 
It is one of those elements of liberty that has, in Amer- 
ican institutions, not been even mentioned, because sup- 
posed to be unquestioned. 

It is singled out here because under other than Demo- 
cratic institutions, it has been among the very first to be 
violated It has been one of the first rights se- 
cured when an un-free people declared themselves free — 
the right to go where they please. 

Free communication is an element of civil liberty — 
no one is truly free, if his right to go where he pleases 
is interrupted or submitted to surveillance. Equal with 
this right is that of free speech. 

Free or Democratic nations demand the right to free 
communion, free speech, the right to free public assem- 
blies, and the right to speak publicly of whatever con- 
cerns the public good, and also the right and sacredness 
of free epistolary correspondence. 

When the Constitution of the United States was first 
framed, these rights had not been enumerated ; but upon 
further reflection, these rights were guaranteed by way 
of amendments. 



140 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Liberty of conscience, of free communion, of assem- 
bling and petitioning Government for a redress of griev- 
ances, belong to this class, and the Democratic right to 
these privileges is held to be sacred and well guarded in 
all our Constitutions. 

The Constitution expressly declares that Congress 
"shall pass no law respecting an establishment of relig- 
ion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridg- 
ing the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of 
the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Gov- 
ernment for a redress of grievances." 

When all these sacred rights of the citizen have not 
been rigidly retained in the bill of rights, or in the sev- 
eral Constitutions, still the courts have decided that 
American citizens expressly possess them. It is as if 
the nation said, we possess these rights, let the Govern- 
ment dare to take them away. 

We have mentioned already the right of freedom in 
epistolary communion. This is, unquestionably one of 
the dearest, as well as most necessary rights to civilized 
man — and yet it was not mentioned by the founders of 
our Government in our so-called bill of rights — probably 
so, because they were so little acquainted with a police 
government. 

The liberty of free correspondence should stand be- 
tween free speech and a free press — free speech — free 
letters — a free press. The sacredness of free letters ap- 
pears the more important, because in almost every civ- 
ilized country the Government is the only carrier of let- 
ters, and forbids individuals or corporations from carry- 
ing sealed letters. So soon, therefore, as a letter is de- 
livered to the custody of Government, it has obligated 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 141 

itself to deliver it to the party, and good faith and hon- 
orable dealing demands, that it be delivered in good 
faith to the party intended, free from spies and inform- 
ers, from whatever source they come. 

So sacred is this right, that in the United States, it is 
said, there is not known any means — not even a writ 
from a court — by which a letter can be extracted from the 
mails and read, except by him to whom it is addressed. 

These are all Democratic principles, intended for the 
most complete liberty and protection of the citizen 
against the powers of Government, even when of the 
class denominated free Governments. These are rights 
reserved to the people, and so sacred in their eyes, that 
even a majority, however legally organized otherwise, 
have no right to deprive any one of them. 

Sumptuary Laws. — The Democracy are opposed to 
''Sumptuary laws," which means that class of laws in- 
tended to regulate the expenses, the food, raiment, and 
habits of the private citizen. It protects the citizen 
against the invasion of these rights, by his fellow men. 
*o long as he does not thereby invade theirs. This prin- 
ciple is based upon that which God has recognized in 
creating man a free moral agent, to do whatsoever may 
seem. good to him, yet holding him accountable for any 
abuse of the exercise of his free moral agency. 

He punishes man for every violation of His laws, 
whether moral or physical, not only in his moral gov- 
ernment, but the law of man's very being. If, by intem- 
perance in the use of anything, he violates the laws gov- 
erning his body, disease and death is the result ; so also 
should the laws of man be framed to set before him the 
same incentives to be temperate in all things, in which his 



142 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

fellow-man is interested. While it gives to the citizen 
perfect liberty, it holds him accountable for violating any 
of the rights of his fellow-men. He may eat, and drink, 
and wear, and use whatever he chooses, but if thereby 
he takes from them, their families, or from his own fam- 
ily, or children, anything which belongs to them in com- 
mon with himself, it may be recovered back ; and so it 
may be from any who knowingly aids him in doing it. 

Communities are entitled to the peaceful enjoyment 
of their civil rights. Churches, and meetings of a pub- 
lic or private nature, are protected by the exercise of this 
same principle, and so are families. Each and all have 
the right to enjoy their homes, their churches, and their 
assemblies, and when any one, through intemperance in 
food, drink, or conduct, or in any manner whatever, in- 
terferes with the proper and just exercise of those rights 
and privileges, whereby they are injured, the laws should 
and do take hold upon him, and restrain him, by penal- 
ties, even to the infliction of imprisonment, from inter- 
fering with those rights, alike the common heritage of 
all ; and compel him to yield obedience to such whole- 
some regulations as are best calculated to promote 
the general welfare. 

While, therefore, a majority cannot restrain the cit- 
izen in the enjoyment of his personal liberties, he is re- 
strained through means of legal enactments from injur- 
ing any one else by the exercise of them. Thus it is, 
that poisons, and the means of taking life are sold for 
lawful purposes ; and the citizen can purchase them for 
proper uses, and when obtained may take his own life 
therewith ; but cannot be sold to him when it is known 
to the vendor that the purchaser intends to thus destroy 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 143 

himself, or even attempt to do himself an injury. The 
person may attempt or even take his own life, and for 
neither can he be punished, or forfeits collected from his 
estate ; but no person can aid him without becoming 
amenable to the penalties of the law. 

Democracy favors legislation, therefore, to protect so- 
ciety in all its rights, while it leaves the individual free 
to exercise his own, so long as he does not trample upon 
the rights of others, which are as sacred in the eyes of 
the law as his own are to him. 

It is liberty regulated by law. It is the exemplifica- 
tion of f ree- speech, free letters, a free press, a free table, 
a free home, a free family, a free person, but in the ex- 
ercise and enjoyment of any of those rights he cannot in- 
jure the very least of one of those associated with him, 
or who are dependent upon him, in the enjoyment of 
their rights, without incurring the penalties prescribed 
for the protection of all alike. Sumptuary laws, there- 
fore, are subject to these sound principles, while in no 
sense do the proper exercise of moral principles come in 
contact with them. Believing in the largest amount of 
liberty to the citizen, consistent with public order, men 
are Democrats because opposed to sumptuary laws. 

A Tariff for Revenue. — The question of how to 
raise revenues with which to support the General Gov- 
ernment, has been a question which has long been dis- 
cussed between political parties. 

There has always been a party in favor of special pro- 
tection to American manufactures, by specific duties on 
imported articles, whether the necessities of the Govern- 
ment required much or but little revenue. " Protection 
for the sake of protection" is their fundamental idea \ 



144 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

while, upon the other hand there has always existed a 
strong element in favor of "free trade," the latter vary- 
ing from a tariff for revenue,, which is far less objection- 
able to the other class, than that of absolute free trade, 
and direct taxation. 

The Democracy have always favored a tariff for rev- 
enue, so levied, as Jackson stated the proposition, "in 
a spirit of equity, caution and compromise, so that the 
great interests of agriculture, manufactures, and com- 
merce will be equally favored." 

The doctrine promulgated by the Democracy, and 
again and again affirmed by their National Conventions, 
is that as already stated, a tariff for revenue and not pro- 
tection. " 

The Democracy believe that, as a Constitutional prin- 
ciple, the General Government has no power to collect 
more revenue than just enough to meet its lawful ex- 
penditures — just enough to carry out the enumerated 
powers granted to it in the Constitution. 

They regard the collection of any greater sum as a 
system not only unconstitutional, but unjust, unequal, 
and if persisted in, leading to corruption and ultimate 
ruin of the best interests of the country, by stimulating 
in these later years the organization of trusts and mo- 
nopolies, features always opposed by Democrats. 
The necessities of the Government, for large revenues, 
in order to meet the ordinary expenses of the Govern- 
ment ; and, in addition to that, the interest upon the pub- 
lic debt, and a portion of the debt itself each year, has 
caused the people to submit to a higher tariff than they 
would have done were the circumstances otherwise ; but 
whatever these necessities may be, Democrats do not, as 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 145 

-a party believe in what is called "a protective tariff ;" 
or in raising any more money than is absolutely neces- 
sary to meet the expenditures of the Government, 

President Jackson, in his farewell address, has- set 
forth the views of the Democracy on this subject, per- 
haps in the most forcible manner in which they can be 
presented, upon the various phases which the question 
may assume. 

When the public debt, resultant of the war of A. D. 
1812, had been almost paid, and a surplus was about to 
accumulate in the national treasury,, he "advised the peo- 
ple that the design to collect an extravagant revenue, 
"and to burden the people with taxes beyond the eco- 
nomical wants of the government, had not been aban- 
doned." 

The various interests, he said, "would combine together 
"to impose a heavy tariff, and produce an overflowing 
"treasury, and these elements were too strong, and had 
"too much at stake, to surrender the contest;" and the 
history of tariff legislation from that day to- this, verifies 
his predictions. 

The great corporations which have grown up, and the 
wealthy individuals engaged in manufacturing establish- 
ments, desire a high tariff in order to< increase their gains, 
under the plausible pretext that they desire it in order to 
pay their working men better wages. Designing poli- 
ticians support it to conciliate their favor, and advocate 
profuse expenditures for the purpose of purchasing in- 
fluence in other quarters. 

When driven from the policy of making immense pub- 
lic internal improvements, they sheltered themselves 
under the plea of dividing the surplus revenue thus 
11 



146 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

raised among the States, as another means to induce Con- 
gress to continue the policy of protective tariffs. 

The Democracy believe that the only safe principle is 
to levy a tariff only for purposes of revenue ; and confine 
the Government rigidly within the sphere of its appro- 
priate duties. They insist that it has no power to raise 
more revenue, or to impose any tax, except for the pur- 
poses enumerated ; and that if its income is found to ex- 
ceed these wants, it must be reduced, and the burdens of 
the people so far lightened. 

The revenue, no matter how raised, unless it be by di- 
rect taxation upon incomes, must be drawn from the 
pockets of the people — from the farmer, the mechanic, 
and the laboring classes of the country — the consuming 
class. 

The excess not required, cannot be returned to them 
in any possible way — the class who most need it, and 
who are justly entitled to it. It is therefore, a species of 
legal robbery — a forced loan never to be repaid ; not for 
the purpose of defending the life of the nation ; but to un- 
duly stimulate the production of manufactured articles 
beyond the necessities of the hour, that a privileged few 
may reap its benefits, and accumulate more than their just 
share of the wealth of the country. 

They believe that this unnatural stimulation itself, will, 
if overproduction be the result, finally lead to greater 
embarrassments than if left to regulate itself by the or- 
dinary laws of supply and demand. An effort has been 
made to show that by "pushing' into the markets of the 
world, our sales could be so greatly increased, as to turn 
the balance of trade largely in favor of the United States, 
thus richly repay America by supplying the world with 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 147 

our wares. The answer to this is, that there is a limit 
to these bright anticipations, on account of retaliatory 
measures by foreign nations when unduly pressed as in 
the case of our tariff troubles with Germany, on account 
of the "American Hog" and cattle trade. Then, again, 
in case of wars among foreign nations and other causes 
by reflex influences, upon our industrial enterprises 
might, in the end produce greater depressions in business, 
on a larger scale, than on account of over-production 
in our own land. Time alone can demonstrate the re- 
sults upon our business in general. 

Richard Cobden, laid down the cardinal principle of a 
tariff incorporated in financial legislation, as follows : 

"Taxes, when necessary, must be laid for revenue 
alone, and in their remission of those to be remitted the 
interests of the consumers are paramount, and must be 
consulted; no taxes should be levied exclusively in the 
supposed interests of producers or manufacturers — they 
have no right to enjoy this immunity because in the 
minority." 

In this country, the agricultural class is by far the 
most numerous, and no legislation is asked to protect 
them. All they want is a market the world over,, to sell 
their productions ; but the manufacturer wants his pro- 
ductions protected, so thatihecan sell at the highest prices, 
by excluding competition. If the principle were sound, 
it would apply with equal force to our inter-State com- 
merce, whereas it has been entirely excluded. Hence to 
aid manufacturers, both agriculture and commerce are 
injured, which is not in accordance with sound princi- 
ples, because in a great agricultural country like this, the 
principle announced by Jefferson — "the encouragement 
of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid" are 



148 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

conducive of the greatest good to the greatest number, 
and of vastly more importance to the country at large, 
than the mere development of a comparatively small class 
of manufacturing interests. Rather should all these 
great interests be considered as Jackson declared^ and 
"these be left free and unfettered, that commerce may 
flow into those natural channels in which individual en- 
terprise may direct it, which is always the safest guide. " 

These reasons, founded upon the Constitution, and re- 
sulting in the greatest good to the greatest number, have 
induced men to favor a tariff for revenue, and not only 
for the sake of protection. They believe that where so 
large an amount of revenue is needed to supply the ne- 
cessities of our government, that sufficient protection is 
afforded, incidentally, without legislating purely in the 
interest of classes, thereby aiding in fostering monopo- 
lies — the bane of free governments, — which will be ena- 
bled thereby to enrich themselves beyond measure, by the 
additional profits wrung from consumers, who ultimately 
are compelled to pay, not only the tariff thereon — or 
rather the enhanced price by reason of the tariff, but the 
additional profits thereon by reason of the enhanced 
price. For these, and many more reasons, Democrats 
are opposed to a high protective tariff — as by specific du- 
ties upon imports. 

Sectional Parties. — The Democracy regard sec- 
tional parties as one of the greatest evils that could arise, 
— has arisen in this country. President Jackson said, in 
his farewell address, "the evil is sufficiently apparent to 
awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of everv pa- 
triot." 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 149 

And although we have had a civil war, in consequence 
of sectional strife ; and although we have come out of that 
terrible ordeal with a united country, as far as mere ter- 
ritory is concerned, and would seem to be drifting 
back into the haven of rest, under the protection of our 
common Constitution, still the angry waves of sectional 
strife are not yet entirely allayed, and at every repeated 
Presidential election the strife is seemingly renewed. 

While we may not "see systematic efforts made to< sow 
the seeds of discord between the sections," we do see such 
efforts made to keep once-existing discord alive. We 
see a party, which should be national, and magnanimous, 
asserting its superior loyalty, intelligence and patriot- 
ism, as entitling it to rule, to the exclusion of all other 
sections or parties, unless they bow to their peculiar no- 
tions, as to what legislation should be passed, and by 
whom the laws should be administered. This attitude 
in the North is calculated to create a corresponding solid- 
ity in the South. 

It prevents them from differing upon matters of in- 
ternal policy, upon questions of revenue and tariffs; and 
it will do so, as long as there is a party,, sectional in its 
nature, which asserts its right to> rule the other section 
by sheer force of power or of numbers. 

Appeals are thus constantly being made in the North 
to sectional prejudice, and to force into the controversy 
matters calculated to stir up mutual hatred and strife. 
The Chief Magistrate, it is urged, should be elected, not 
alone from one section of the Union, but that he must be 
one who has shown, not the greatest devotion to the 
Union, and the Constitution — the common heritage of all 
— but the greatest loyalty to that one party, always in an- 



150 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

tagonism to the other section, though the occasion for 
strife has long since passed away, as if it were desired 
that he should favor a particular part of the country 
more than he favored the whole, or to administer the laws 
impartially in the interest of all sections alike. This 
matter of mutual reproaches and mutual suspicion is the 
bane of our party politics. Men seem not to reflect, that 
this is all the country we have; that our States, our 
counties, our towns, our farms, our homes, lie side by 
side with those of others, however differing upon polit- 
ical questions ; that we look with equal pride to the glory 
and greatness of our common country; that we worship 
the same God, and have a common interest in the wel- 
fare of our children, to whom this country must soon be 
committed, and that future generations will find this peo- 
ple so commingling together, if 'a wise policy is pursued, 
that none need say to another, "Were your ancestors 
loyal." 

The Union cannot long be maintained and the laws en- 
forced by the mere coercive powers of the General Gov- 
ernment and remain truly Republican. A majority in 
all sections must feel that their interests prompt' them to 
a cheerful obedience of them. Why then permit sec- 
tional feeling to warp their judgment? There are mil- 
lions of Democrats who would rally around the flag and 
the Constitution the moment any hostile hands were laid 
upon either. They would lay down their lives in sup- 
port of that government, the moment an attempt were 
made to inaugurate a rival government. It is not in the 
nature of things that the majority of the people of this 
country can be its enemies, because it is their govern- 
ment so long as it is administered in their interests. True 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 151 

patriotism, and love of country, and every noble impulse 
of our hearts, prompt every lover of his country to allay 
and assuage sectional hatred and strife. 

It must cease sometime ! It cannot always last ! Dem- 
ocrats believe great wrong has been done alike to both 
sections, by not long since burying all sectional ques- 
tions ; and so believing, they are Democrats, because that 
party has never ceased to urge it, since the clash of arms 
ceased, as well as long before the strife commenced. 

THE CIVII, SERVICE. 

The Democracy favor a pure, faithful civil service. 
It is one of the cardinal principles of the party, and has 
been frequently alluded to by Democratic Presidents and 
statesmen, and engrafted in their national platforms 
from the days of Jefferson to the present time. 

No people can long maintain liberty, and support free 
institutions, whose Government is honeycombed by cor- 
rupt men and corrupt practices. This is the lesson which 
history teaches — corruption precedes dissolution in gov- 
ernments, as surely as day precedes night. 

Early in the history of our Federal Government Jef- 
ferson announced as his rule in appointing men to office, 
to ask the question : Is he honest, is he capable, and does 
he support the Constitution? 

Jackson alluded to the civil service upon several oc- 
casions in his messages. He pledged himself to the work 
of reform in the administration, so that the patronage of 
the General Government, which had been brought into 
conflict with the freedom of elections, and had dis- 
turbed the rightful course of appointments by continuing 
in power unfaithful and incompetent public servants. 



152 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

should be no longer used for that purpose. 
He also declared his belief in the principle, that the in- 
tegrity and zeal of public officers would advance the in- 
terests of the public service, more than mere numbers. 

Jackson, also, as a means to purify and keep pure the 
administration of public affairs, advocated rotation in 
office. Corruption, he said, would spring up among those 
in power ; and, therefore, he thought appointments should 
not be made for a longer period than four years. He 
further said, that everybody had equal right to office, and 
he therefore advocated removals as a leading principle 
which would give healthful action to the political system ; 
but he NEVER said "to the victors belong the spoils." 

So also in the various platforms of the Democratic 
party, since the war closed, repeated mention has been 
made of the civil service, all in perfect accord with the 
expressions of the earlier Democratic Presidents. Thus 
have the Democracy both a principle and a policy marked 
out to guide them in the civil administration. 

The Democracy believe that a pure civil service must 
be established in the administration of public affairs, and 
that removals from office is the only sure method to ac- 
complish this desirable purpose. 

The history of the administration of public affairs since 
the war closed, has been one of such gigantic corruption, 
as to bring disgrace upon the Republic ; and has fur- 
nished the advocates of despotisms, the world over, with 
new arguments against a popular, free government. 

A distinguished Democratic stateman — Hon. Allen G. 
Thurman, of Ohio — said in the United States Senate: 
"Unfortunately for the credit of the nation, the instances 
'of corruption are so notorious, that a bare reference to 
"them brings forth a picture from which the mind turns 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 153 

"with loathing and indignation. The Credit Mobilier, 
"the Pacific Mail, the Belknap trial, the villainies of the 
"Custom House, the straw bids of the Post Office, the 
"Indian and Whiskey rings, and a long list of defaulters 
"in every department of the Government, have become 
"matters of history." 

Since these words were uttered by this eminent Demo- 
crat, we have had scandals arising from the Star Route 
trials, second to none under any government, in any 
clime. Not only frauds before which all others sink into 
insignificance, in the administration of public affairs, but 
frauds in elections themselves, through which the people 
have been robbed of their dearest right — that of the result 
of their sovereign will through the elective franchise — 
at the head of which stands out in bold relief, the theft 
of the Presidency itself, by means of forged certificates 
of election, and the setting aside of the returns as made 
by sovereign States of the Union, through the action of 
all the departments of their government. Thus have the 
grossest frauds that ever disgraced a free people, mani- 
fested themselves. 

And. had it ceased here, and those who aided in per- 
petrating them upon the people been punished, it might 
have satisfied the public mind ; but, instead of this being 
done, those who perpetrated them — the aiders and abet- 
tors of these usurpations and frauds, were rewarded by 
place and position. 

When officers in the administration of public affairs 
thus lose all sense of honor and integrity, what need the 
people expect, but that "like masters, like men," will be 
the result. 

The Democracy believe in accordance with the repeat- 
ed declarations of representative Democrats, that to 



154 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

maintain a free government, there must be purity, hon- 
esty, and faithfulness in the administration of public af- 
fairs ; and that when once corruption and fraud have 
found lodgment in, or at the head of departments of gov- 
ernment, there is no other or better way to reclaim the 
government, than to remove from office the entire party 
in all the departments, and place them in the hands of 
new men. No party thus affected can purify itself — re- 
moval from and out of officers the only sure remedy. 

Civil service reform as to mere clerical or mental qual- 
ifications, will not purify the government; nor will the 
mere manner of making appointments correct the evil ; 
nor will a tenure of office alone, because, the promotions 
from lower to higher positions, will but embolden and 
entrench dishonesty more securely, and create an office- 
holding aristocracy ; while the people will in no wise be 
benefited thereby; but removals and rotation in office 
will excite a healthy competition, and will give the peo- 
ple that equal right to office and official position, which 
the theory and genius of our Democratic form of govern- 
ment contemplates. 

The Democracy therefore, advocate these methods to 
purify the administration of public afifairs, and an eco- 
nomical and simple execution of the powers of govern- 
ment, they believe, will materially reduce the temptations 
to fraud and corruption in its administration ; and they 
therefore demand from its candidates, as well as its sup- 
porters, the strongest pledges, that such will be their 
conduct if permitted to exercise the powers of Govern- 
ment in behalf of the people. 

The Difference. — It may be said, all this may be 
true; but do not* all parties profess these principles more 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 155 

or less? Why then are you a Democrat when so many 
of these principles are held only in common with those 
who act with the opposing party. 

YVe answer, there is an essential difference between 
the Democracy, and those who oppose that party. This 
may arise from various causes — certainly it does exist. It 
may arise from early training, but doubtless more from 
a view of duty from a different standpoint. The opposi- 
tion assumes superiority of intelligence and virtue, 
which they claim as a reason why their peculiar notions 
should prevail. Were the majority ever so large against 
them, they would look upon these, nevertheless, as of a 
lower order of inteligence ; vicious in their purposes de- 
structive in results, while they pay. little regard to the 
principles these people, profess, or the policy they desire 
adopted. Their opponents have ever assumed superior 
intelligence, and have not refrained from expressing a 
disdain for a party which, they say, is largely made up of 
the laboring and "ignorant" classes of the country. They 
seek to govern by different methods than do the Demo- 
crats. With them it has been the strength of govern- 
ment relied upon to preserve peace and good order ; 
with the Democracy, love and affection has been appealed 
to, as the stronger incentive. 

The Democracy seek to elevate the citizen. The op- 
posing idea is to magnify the government ; with the De- 
mocracy it has been a favorite idea to grant the largest 
possible liberty to the individual citizen, consistent with 
public order ; but the opposing idea is, that the least lib- 
erty is safest to a naturally depraved nature. Expansion, 
elevation, personal freedom in the one ; a strong govern- 
ment to subdue human nature has been the other. 



15G THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

The Democratic idea is, "do as you please so long as 
you do not trample on the rights of others ;" the opposing 
idea is, "the State so wills and you must obey." Com- 
pulsion, force, fear, is the mainspring of peace and order 
with that class; love, reverence, respect, is the incentive 
held out in the other to secure obdience to law. It has 
thus always assumed a moral and intellectual superior- 
ity, and by virtue of these qualities has claimed the 
right to govern. The Democracy have not only denied 
this authority as well as the claim, but denounced the 
principle as a vicious one ; and have relied for support 
upon the "plain people'' of the country. 

This doubtless is not the (disposition which actuates all 
who opposes the Democratic party, but there is a certain 
spirit so to speak, which actuates every large mass of 
men, and this manifests itself in the general conduct of 
the bodv. 

Every association has its distinct features — oft-times 
consisting of temperament, and various other peculiar- 
ities existing in mankind. Such as agree, more readily 
associate themselves together. They feel at home in 
each other's society, and this general agreement gives 
them a character, which manifests its peculiarity by its 
general conduct and intercourse with men. It is to this 
peculiarity we allude as existing both in a party com- 
posed of Democrats, and those more or less opposed to 
them in these fundamental principles. 

No political party can be fairly judged by what a fezv 
of its adherents may do or say. Or it may be that even 
professed leaders like Benedict Arnold, may prove trait- 
ors to the cause they once espoused ; still the great heart, 
and mind, and purpose of an army, the spirit of it, so to 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 157 

speak, is the criterion by which it is to be judged, and not 
by the faults of its unfaithful friends. 

So with the Democratic party. It may have been led 
into entertaining false views sometimes; doubtless it has 
been betrayed by trusted friends, as well as denounced 
and misrepresented by open and avowed enemies ; still, 
whatever may be said of it, these principles announced 
herein are the principles of the American Democracy, by 
the application of which they have sought to administer 
the affairs of government. 

The Democratic party has a distinct policy to announce 
upon every great question, if it pays any regard to its 
landmarks. It has the people upon its side, if it remain 
true to its principles, as it ought. It has the hope and 
promise of final reward, by the complete establishment of 
its principles, if it discharges its duty which it naturally 
owes to the people. 

These pages are not designed as a history of the party. 
To enter into a critical examination of all its acts, and 
those of its agents, for one hundred years would fill vol- 
umes instead of a few pages ; still it would prove the as- 
sertions here made to be true. 

As the number of States and inhabitants increase, and 
the borders of the country become enlarged, there is 
greater need than ever before, for the application of them, 
in order to give peace and security to the whole country. 

This, then, is the faith and mission of the great Dem- 
ocratic party of the country. These are some of its prin- 
ciples, which it were well if every member of the party, 
indeed, of all parties, would ponder well, and apply in di- 
recting the votes which thev have to cast. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE) RATIONAL 01? DEMOCRACY. 

Democracy teaches that the Union of these States is 
absolutely necessary to preserve free government in 
America. To preserve tranquility at home, to insure 
prosperity, to maintain liberty itself, the Union under our 
Constitution must be preserved. Democrats muse never 
be found advocating doctrines in any part of the Union 
calculated to weaken the ties which bind every other sec- 
tion to it ; must never listen to the promptings of sec- 
tional self-interests ; such would lead them into a course 
of policy that would injure the inhabitants of other sec- 
tions, and cause them to lose their affection for the wel- 
fare of the whole country. They must regard the Un- 
ion as the citadel of their hopes, entrenched within which 
all assaults from without can be easily withstood ; nor 
must they tolerate within their own ranks, any doctrines 
which would permit professed friends to overcome their 
vigilance. 

Democrats believe that to cherish this feeling within 
their organization will influence the opinions of those 
without, and will cause them to share this anxiety; yet 
within our party will always be found the largest num- 
bers of our fellow-citizens holding truly national prin- 
ciples equally strong and popular in all sections of the 
land. Democrats, like Washington said, should frown 
upon all attempts from whatever source — by whatever 
means — to alienate any portion of our countrymen from 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 159 

the remainder, "thus enfeebling the sacred ties" which 
bind together the various parts. 

A Democrat believes that all parts of this country, 
North, South, East, and West have a common destiny, 
and the interests of every section are as sacred to him as 
his own. 

A Democrat is the inveterate and uncompromising 
enemy of sectionalism. It is his duty to condemn it 
wherever he rinds it. He gives no countenance to design- 
ing men, or parties who would seek to array any one 
section against another; or who, in order to gain a per- 
sonal or party advantage, would seek to ride into power 
by fomenting jealousies and distrust; or to indulge in 
misrepresentations calculated to alienate and distract 
rather than unite and cement them in their loyalty to the 
whole. 

Democrats, like Washington, do not believe in foist- 
ing upon the people heavy public debts for posterity to 
pay. In just so far as they favor the opposite course, 
to just that extent they wander from those fundamental 
truths taught by the Democratic Fathers of the Repub- 
lic. 

Democrats are jealous and ever awake against the ma- 
chinations of foreign powers, which are inimical to the 
prosperity of free institutions. They denounce the prac- 
tices of royalty whenever sought to be imitated in this 
country. They oppose familiarizing freemen to the 
methods of monarchists, or anything which would lead 
them to think lightly of Democratic institutions. 

Democrats, like Washington are opposed to innova- 
tions upon the principles of our Government, however 
plausible they may appear. They believe in the right to 



160 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

change, but fear results ; but would rather amend than 
violate without. It is because of this Democrats have 
opposed amendments to the Constitution, granting new 
and additional powers to the general Government, which 
has served this country so well through the whole past 
century. It is their jealousy in this regard, and fears 
as Washington expressed them, that when once a breach 
is made, evils will come in like a flood that compels them 
to resist. It is because they refuse to be experimenters 
upon this system, that they are called obstructionists, and 
taunted with a lack of progress, whereas, it is but their 
anxiety for the perpetuity of our institutions, and regard 
for the Constitution — loyalty to the faith of the Fathers 
— which induced them to withhold consent from the 
proposition of every theorist who would mar its beauty, 
harmony, and perpetuity, by engrafting upon it some 
new amendment. They are Democrats because fol- 
lowers of that great apostle of freedom, Thomas Jeffer- 
son. Like him, they look with alarm upon any encroach- 
ments upon the rights of man, or of States. 

They are opposed to all appliances of monarchists, like 
alien and sedition laws. They believe that man, no mat- 
ter where born, what his religion, or what his station in 
life, he has equal rights as to religion, politics, person or 
property. 

It is because they believe that the support and main- 
lainance of the State Governments, in all their reserved 
rights, is the best guardian of these rights, that they re- 
sist any encroachments upon those rights, and refuse to 
have any of them exercised by the General Government 
not absolutely in accordance with the powers already ex- 
pressly granted to the General Government. These 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 161 

rights, they believe, are as Jefferson expressed it, the 
surest bulwarks against the anti-Republican tendencies. 

While they are thus determined to maintain these 
rights of States, and to hand them down unimpaired to 
future generations, they believe most emphatically in pre- 
serving the General Government in all its granted 
powers — and to administer its affairs with all the vigor 
necessary, as the surest method of insuring peace among 
the States, and securing respect from abroad. 

Democrats believe to the fullest extent in the right of 
election by the people; believe that freemen are capable 
of governing themselves, and have the honesty, patriot- 
ism, and ability to guard the polls of freemen them- 
selves, without the aid of Federal bayonets, or ap- 
pointees, either to overawe the electors, or influence their 
ballots. They believe that the people need no guardians 
at the polls, least of all, such as have arms in their hands, 
supported by the agents of Federal power. 

Because they so believe, they have been falsely charged 
with desiring to perpetrate frauds at elections, and falsely 
accused, because of their fealty to the very foundation 
principles of free government, as enunciated by freemen 
in all ages. 

Democrats believe in appealing to the intelligence, vir- 
tue, and discriminating justice of the people; and demand 
that when votes are cast, they shall be counted ; and that 
when thus ascertained, the decision should stand, as the 
judgment of the whole, until another appeal can be law- 
fully made to the popular judgment. 

They are opposed to large standing armies, to be used 
to overawe the people, and rob them of their liberties, 
at the beck and nod of executive power. They believe 
12 



162 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

that in a republic, the intelligent, patriotic militia is all 
that is needed to enforce the lawful commands of exec- 
utive authority. 

They believe in the supremacy of the civil over the 
military power of the State; and are jealous of any at- 
tempt at military coercion, until all efforts to enforce 
lawful demands by the civil authorities have failed. 

Democrats believe in economy of the public expendi- 
tures, not only as Jefferson says, "that labor may be 
lightly burthened/' but because large expenditures breed 
corruption in the public service and induce unseemly 
scrambling for public service. 

The man who would repudiate a public debt may call 
himself a Democrat, but is not in accord with the teach- 
ings of his party. 

The public faith and honor is a high trust, which can- 
not be violated without producing demoralization in 
private life. Their efforts to prevent the public treasury 
from being robbed by legalized plunderers, is no indica- 
tion that, they are repudiationists of honest debts. 

Democrats believe in encouraging commerce and ag- 
riculture as the surest method of elevating those engaged 
m these pursuits so largely composing the yeomanry of 
the country. 

Notwithstanding the charge that Democrats are ig- 
norant themselves, and desire to keep others so, they, 
like Jefferson, favor "a general diffusion of information 
— of public and private education/' because confidence 
in the people is based upon a correct judgment formed 
by the people upon all public questions. 

The intelligent ballot, cast by intelligent men, is what 
Democracy relies upon to support its measures. What 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 163 

it fears most, is the persuasive eloquence of a purchasing 
poiver without integrity and intelligence to resist or di- 
rect. 

The common laboring classes of the country 
are more inclined to support the Democracy, than are the 
rich, intelligent and aristocratic classes. This may be 
true, and yet not prove that men who belong to this class 
are not sufficiently intelligent to know what is best for 
their own interest. Tt is but natural for men who* have 
lived under political bondage, in the aristocracies of the 
old world, when they came here to people a new one, 
devoted to liberty, to instill into the minds of their child- 
ren, the doctrines of true and genuine Democracy, to be 
handed down from generation to generation as such. 
It is because they know that wealth, power, and political 
influence is oftimes the bitterest enemy of free govern- 
ment, and hence they array themselves under the banner 
of Democracy, in order to guard and preserve what they 
have left of liberty. 

This is not asserting that ignorance is not to be found 
in the ranks of Democracy; nor that vice never invades 
its precincts; but asserts that the principles of Democ- 
racy teach precisely the opposite doctrine, viz: that in- 
telligence in the masses is the safeguard of our institu- 
tions. 

Democrats favor religious liberty — freedom in relig- 
ious faith and worship — to the fullest extent. No polit- 
ical rights can be taken from any, nor privileges added, 
not possessed equally by all. Hence in years gone by, 
when a crusade was made against the Catholic religion, 
Democrats defended them against any persecution, 'or 
proscription on that account. It was charged against 



164 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

them that they favored the Catholic church as against 
others. The charge was unjust as it was unnecessary. 
Should any denomination whether Catholic, or Protest- 
ant, asume to control public affairs by means of legisla- 
tion, whether favorable to themselves, or derogatory to 
others, none would more readily condemn them than 
Democrats, educated in these fundamental principles of 
free government. Persecution or proscription for opin- 
ion's sake meets at all times, with the severest condem- 
nation from the Democracy. 

Democrats believe in the freedom of the press. Xo 
"sedition law" has ever received the sanction of an Am- 
erican Democrat who understood the principles he pro- 
fessed. When, therefore, the Democratic press crit- 
icises the action of administrations and their presses are 
sought to be stopped by mititary orders, Democrats de- 
nounce such measures, because they violate two funda- 
mental principles in their creed, and they could not per- 
mit these violations to go unchallenged even in time of 
war, lest by silence they gave consent, that these rights 
should be lost, though guaranteed to them, in the Con- 
stitution of their country. They believe emphatically 
in the doctrine of Jefferson, "that error of opinion may 
readily be tolerated, when reason is left free to combat 
it." Hence it is, that because they insist that their 
constitutional rights shall not be invaded, that they are 
wrongfully charged with sympathy with those in rebel- 
lion, when in truth and in fact, it is their strong desire 
to maintain free institutions, in war as well as in peace, 
as the surest bulwark of their liberties. 

Democrats believe the person should at all times be 
protected by the great writ of heabeas corpus. That it 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 165 

is the inalienable right of every person to have himself 
brought before any court, when the same is open and un- 
obstructed by the insurrection or rebellion, to learn the 
reason of his imprisonment. That no man not in the 
militarv or naval service of his country, can be lawfully 
thrust into prison without being charged with a crime, 
made so by the law, indicted and speedily tried by a jury 
of his peers. They deny the right of any authority to 
suspend this writ of liberty, except where rebellion and 
insurrection makes it impossible to hold court, unawed by 
armed forces. A Ien may have committed crimes or may 
not have done so. When thrust into prison, Democrats 
believe that persons have a right to have their cases 
speedily adjudged. They believe this is a sacred right, 
guaranteed to every Englishman since the days of Magna 
Charta, and secured to Americans in every American 
Constitution ; and hence they have at all times and under 
all circumstances, resisted and denounced the exercise 
of arbitrary power, no matter by whom attempted, or 
under what circumstances exercised, save within the lines 
of military occupation. In the advocacy of these prin- 
ciples they have been fully sustained by the supreme 
court in every case brought before it. 

Democrats believe in trials by juries impartially 
selected. They deny the right of military commanders 
to try by courts martial, civilians not in the military ser- 
vice ; but insist that all such trials shall be by juries of 
their peers, impartially selected, and upon indictments 
presented by grand juries. In this, also, they have been 
sustained by the courts, whenever a case has been pre- 
sented. Thus it is that Democratic principles require 
absolute personal liberty to the citizen, as guaranteed by 



166 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

every State Constitution as well as that of the United 
States, which is the supreme law of the land. "Democ- 
racy is the true conservator of life, liberty, labor and 
property." 

Passing from the doctrines of Washington and Jeffer- 
son, to those enunciated by Madison, we find the same 
harmony between them all existing. They are all im- 
pliedly guaranteed, if not expressly so, in the spirit of 
our Constitutions. It is a system that cannot be safely 
administered upon any other plan, than in accordance 
with these fundamental principles of Democracy. Mad- 
ison, the framer of our Constitution, "the Father" of it. 
as he is called, understood well those principles, and 
sought to have them engrafted thereon ; and when he 
came to administer the affiairs of government under it, 
he faithfully applied them. He but repeated substan- 
tially what his compeers had anounced before him. 
Nothing could be more explicit in enunciating Demo- 
cratic principles, than his declaration that the support 
of the Consiitution is the cement of the Union, as well 
in its limitations as in its authorities ; and to respect the 
rights and authorities reserved to the States and the 
people, as equally incorporated therein, and essential to 
the success of the general system. Without maintain- 
ing these, success cannot be secured. Every violation 
brings with it trouble and confusion. So through all his 
€ornpend of principles, by which he would guide his of- 
ficial actions, we have the utterances of a thoroughly ed- 
ucated Democrat, in the principles of his party. 

So, also, when we come to the days of Jackson, through 
the whole series of his messages are found these same 
leading principles of the Democratic party. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 167 

Experience had only the more indelibly impressed 
them upon his mind, and by him upon the American 
people. His caution was,, that we do not confound the 
powers reserved to the States, with those granted by 
them. Thus it was, that when nullification raised its 
head under his administration, he crushed it by the exer- 
cise of just powers expressly granted, without in the 
least violating any of the reserved rights of the States. 

He announced the great advantage of economy in pub- 
lic expenditures as resulting in purity to its administra- 
tion — absolutely necessary for the permanence of free 
government. Luxury and corruption have ever been 
the forerunners of the downfall of republics — and why 
not be vigilant, lest they secure a foothold in this? Why 
not check and eradicate the evil, while freemen have 
power ? 

Democrats believe this is their duty. If they wander 
away from the practice of these principles, they are for- 
getting the most important part of their duty to their 
party and to their country. 

Democrats do not believe "a public debt to be a public 
blessing.'" Jackson declared its unnecessary duration 
"incompatible with real independence." It is a species 
of slavery, which no true Democrat desires to see con- 
tinued a day longer than necessary. It creates a bond 
aristocracy, who live upon the revenues extracted from 
the laboring class, hanging like an incubus upon the en- 
terprise and business of the country, which no true lover 
of his country will permit one moment longer than pos- 
sible. It is a false theory, and false Democracy which 
teaches that posterity shall pay the debts we contract. 
They will have enough to do to discharge their own ob- 



168 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

ligations. Xo people are truly free, until they are en- 
tirely free from debt. To bond communities, States, or 
the United States, unless absolutely necessary for the 
preservation or security of their lives, liberty, or prop- 
erty, is un-Democratic, and should not! be indulged in if 
possible to avoid. 

Tne collection of revenue, either by internal taxes or 
by tariffs, has always been a bone of contention between 
political parties. 

The doctrine of the Democratic party has ever been, 
that the safest place for the people's money was in their 
pockets, until required ; hence, no more should be col- 
lected by any means, than just enough to defray public 
expenditures, and pay the public debt. High protective 
tariffs on specific articles has never been a favorite mode 
of raising revenue, with that party. President Jackson 
advised that it should be levied in a spirit of equity, cau- 
tion, and compromise, requiring that the great interests 
of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce be equally 
favored. When possible to meet required expenditures, 
a low tariff has been a favorite motto of the Democratic 
party. 

A high protective tariff is a species of class legisla- 
tion, at variance with Democratic principles, which seeks 
to protect the greatest number, granting special priv- 
ileges to none. 

The principles held by Jackson, that the people should 
elect the President, without the interposition of Congress, 
is in accordance with that other Democratic principle 
announced by Jefferson — the sacred right of election by 
the people, and an absolute acquiescence in the will of 
the majority. The legal votes cast, Democracy demands, 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 169 

shall be counted ; and that by no. trickery or fraud, or 
technicality, shall the sovereign voter be defrauded out 
of this sacred right of a freeman by interested agents. 

Rotation in office has always been a cardinal doctrine 
of Democracy. That no privileged class born to office 
should be tolerated, but that public place and position 
should be open to all. That frequent changes of public 
office preserves purity in the administration of public 
affairs, and therefore highly beneficial to the general 
welfare. President Jackson said, "that corruption would 
spring up among those long in power/' and therefore he 
claimed appointments should not exceed the period of 
four years; and he favored removals from office, as a 
leading principle which would give healthful action to 
the political system. Undoubtedly exceptions may exist 
as to skilled clerks but that is no objection to the general 
rule. 

In cases of real doubt, it has ever been a favorite 
doctrine of the Democratic party, to submit such ques- 
tions to a direct vote of the people, a practice which has 
of later years become nearly general in some States of the 
Union. 

Jackson declared this "to be a submission to the source 
of all power the most sacred of all obligations; and the 
most wise and safe course to pursue.'' 



CHAPTER IX. 



SUMMARY. 



It will be found by examination that the Republican — 
Democratic party — Having taken its rise under the ad- 
ministration of John Adams, was organized in 1800 "un- 
der Thomas Jefferson — continued under Madison and 
Monroe ,and was divided under the Administration of 
John Quincy Adams, and dropping the former part of its 
name under Andrew Jackson's administration, has con- 
tinued its name of "Democratic Party," ever since then. 

In opposition to the original sectional aspect of the 
present Republican organization, it has sometimes been 
designated as the National Democratic party — such is a 
brief summary of its history. 

Democratic doctrines, save that of on the coinage ques- 
tion, have been the same for one hundred years, — the 
same as when it came from the hands of its founder, 
Thomas Jefferson — since then new questions have arisen, 
it is true, but always settled upon the same fundamental 
principles as first announced by Jefferson, and the plat- 
form upon which he was elected. 

These may be summed up as insisting upon a strict 
construction of the constitution ; opposed to centraliza- 
tion in the general government; opposed to a high pro- 
tective tariff; opposed to a Union of church and state; 
opposed to regulating elections in the states by federal 
authority, no matter under what pretexts, so long as the 
people are willing to hold them under their own local 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 171 

state laws ; they strongly favor the education of the 
masses — the basis of an intelligent ballot : they favor 
fostering and protecting by state action of common 
schools : home rule ; strict meintainiance of the 
public faith. Municipal, State and Federal; honest 
money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper, based 
thereon, convertible into coin on demand ; subordination 
of the military to the civil authority ; a genuine civil 
service, by prohibiting by law the appointment of men to 
office guilty of frauds upon the government or the people, 
in depriving them of the fruits of fair elections; they 
favor a free ballot, the right preservative of all rights, 
and pledge themselves to sustain this right at all hazards ; 
free ,hips, and a living chance for American ships upon 
the seas ; they declared long since, as opposing discrim- 
inations in favor of monopolies, corporations, and trans- 
portation lines ; they favor using public money, and 
public credit for public purposes, solely; public lands for 
actual settlers only ; they declared and pledged them- 
selves as the friends of labor and the laboring man, and 
to protect him alike against cormorants and the com- 
mune. These, and many other incidental principles they 
have declared as those of the Democracy in National Con- 
ventions assembled, and the pronounced convictions of 
those who aided in framing and promulgating the Declar- 
ation of Independence, and the Constitution of the United 
States ; whose principles have been adopted by the Dem- 
ocratic party of the country. 

It may be said that the Democratic party has not al- 
ways adhered to them ; that may be so, and admitted with 
shame, but that is no valid objection against the princi- 
ples thems?'ves. They are correct and true, and as 



172 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

valuable as ever they were, indeed more so; and it is to 
call attention to them, that these pages have been written, 
with the ardent hope that they may fall under the obser- 
vation of those who will never cease to urge them upon 
the attention of their countrymen, especially upon the 
young and rising men of the country. But it is not 
conceded, that as a party, they have departed from the 
practice of those cardinal principles of the Democracy. 
Exceptional cases do not destroy general rules. An 
army is not to be judged by the deeds of a few foragers, 
for place or power ; or by deserters, who deny the faith, 
and betray the confidence reposed in them. So no poli- 
tical party can be fairly judged, by what a fezv of its ad- 
herents may do or say ; but the great heart, mind and 
purpose of an army, the spirit of it, so to speak, is the 
criterion ~by which it is to be judged, and not by the 
faults of its unfaithful friends. So with the Democratic 
party. It may have been led sometimes into entertain- 
ing false views; doubtless it has been betrayed by 
trusted friends ( ?) as well as denounced and misrepre- 
sented by open and avowed enemies ; still, whatever may 
be said of it, these principles announced are the principles 
of the American Democracy, by the application of which 
they have sought to administer the affairs of government. 
Whoever denounces them, should not claim to be a Dem- 
ocrat; whoever will not support and defend them is un- 
worthy the name. They are, nevertheless, the princi- 
ples and the anounced policy of that great party, which 
has for so many years, and does nozv yet influence a full 
one-half of our population ; and if this is to remain a free 
country, must naturally in the future be again called to 
administer its affairs ; at all events, these great princi- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 173 

pies must be applied to the administration of public 
affairs, by whatsoever name the party may be called, if 
its administration is to be a really successful one. 

The foundations of the government are laid upon 
these ; all its machinery is adjusted with reference to 
them; and the moment they are misapplied or omitted, 
experience has proved, confusion and irregularities begin 
to manifest themselves. Thence it is reasonable, that the 
party and the officers who best understands them — are 
the most devotedly attached to them, give to the great 
mass of our people the best assurance of good govern- 
ment under their guidance. The great Democratic party 
of America, has a distinct policy to announce upon every 
great question, if it pays any regard to its teachings, for 
more than a hundred years. These principles have the 
sympathy, and approval of more than a majority of the 
American people, and will continue so to have, if it re- 
main true to its record as it ought. It may well have the 
hope and promise of final reward — the greatest good 
— if it discharges its duty, which it naturally owes to the 
people 

This then is a brief summary of its views, a record of 
its faith .and mission ; and it were well if every en- 
thusiastic member of the party would ponder and treas- 
ure up its teachings and seek to carry them into complete 
execution. 

Long live the American Democratic party, and may it 
see the end of many more one hundred years. 



CHAPTER X. 

CURRENCY AND COINAGE) — GOLD AND SILVER. 

As already stated, the only two subjects upon which 
the Democracy of this great country differed within the 
past century, were slavery, and that of the ratio of 
metals in coinage. 

The first was settled by the abolishment of slavery. 
The silver question we have still with us. 

The author offers a few suggestions upon that ques- 
tion, with the hope, that the discusssion of the subject 
may be proceeded with, in a more deliberate manner. 
When passion and prejudice become elements in a dis- 
cussion, reason is not unfrequently entirely laid aside. 
We ought to be willing to coolly reason and deliberate, 
rather than denunciate. 

We always supposed that the opinions and practices 
of the earlier founders of our government, were held in 
great reverence by everybody. They were far removed 
from the passions and self interests engendered in these 
our days in the pursuit of wealth ; and had no such temp- 
tations to swerve correct and patriotic judgment to the 
same extent as the men of the present generation ; they 
had thoroughly read the history of ancient and modern 
nations, besides they were men w T ho had experienced the 
weight of monarchical institutions, and we venerate them 
accordingly, as good children look for guidance upon 
their ancestors, whom they are w r ell convinced have their 
own very best interests at heart. Hence they are greatly 
influenced by what the fathers said upon any subject un- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 175 

der consideration. So also we are just as anxious to 
avoid their mistakes, when they have been demonstrated 
to have been such which must be conceded have some- 
times confronted us ; so too, should we consider the cir- 
cumstances under which their words w r ere spoken and 
advice given, and then act for ourselves accordingly. 
On the subject of coinage, we perhaps can find no better 
instructors than such as Jefferson, Jackson and Benton 
— three stalwart Democrats, who had something to do 
with settling the rjuestion of coinage in the earlier days 
of our Republic. 

Jefferson and Hamilton were the two characters who 
agreed upon the coinage law of 1792 — there seems to 
have been no difference of opinion thereon between Dem- 
ocrat and Federalist then. In the performance of the 
duty assigned to them by Congress, that of reporting on 
coinage, the subject of the ratio for coinage, agreed upon 
a proportion of 15^ gold to one of silver — so far as value 
was to be considered. 

The dollar was to be the unit of value, and gold was 
to be worth and coined as if worth fifteen and a half 
times more than silver. Within the course of forty years 
there came a time when this proportion worked injury to 
the people, and President Jackson took up the matter to 
seek to remedy it. Senator Tom Benton was his 
spokesman in the Senate and we can find out exactly 
what he said, because he has recorded his language with 
his own hand, in his "Thirty Years View" while in the 
Senate. 

In remarks submitted to the Senate on the subject, 
recorded by himself at page 383, Vol. 1, we have his 



176 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

views, more at length than we can quote, limited as we 
are for space. 

He said "no nation had (in 1834) a better currency 
than the United States. There was no nation that had 
guarded its currency w T ith more care. The framers of 
the Constitution, and those who had enacted the early 
statutes on the subject, were hard money men. They 
had felt and appreciated the evils of a paper medium of 
exchange and they had seduously guarded the currency 
of the United States from debasement. The legal cur- 
rency of the United States was gold and silver coin. 
This w r as a subject in which congress had run into no 
folly. Gold and silver currency was the law r of the land 
at home, and the law of the world abroad. 

"There could, in the present (in 1834) condition of the 
world be no other currency." At page 436, he said "The 
word currency was not in the constitution nor any word 
which could be made to cover a circulation of bank 
notes. Gold and silver was the only thing recognized for 
money. It is the money and only money of the constitu- 
tion; and every historic recollection, as well as every 
phrase in the Constitution, and early statutes on the sub- 
ject confirmed that idea." 

"People were sick of paper money, at the time the 
constitution was framed. The congress of the. federation 
in time of the Revolution had issued a currency of paper 
money. It had run the full career of that class of money. 
The wreck of two hundred millions of dollars lay upon 
the land. The framers of the constitution worked in the 
midst of that wreck. They saw the havoc which paper 
money had made upon the fortunes of individuals, and 
the morals of the public. They determined to have no 
more Federal paper money. They created a hard money 
government; they intended the new government to 
recognize nothing for money but gold and silver; and 
every word admitted into that Constitution upon the sub- 
ject of money, defines and establishes that sacred inten- 
tion." Hence those who constantly quote the fact, that 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 177 

gold and silver comprise the money of the Constitution, 
have the truth of that fact — but that does not fix the 
ratio of its use? Not at all. 

On page 443 he gives other reasons for using gold and 
silver as money. He says : 

"1. It has intrinsic value (qualities) which gave it 
currency all over the world to> the full amount of that 
value, without regard to laws or circumstances. 

"2. It had uniformity of value which made it the 
safest standard of value of property, the wisdom of man 
had ever yet discovered. 

"3. Its portability (gold) which made it easy for the 
traveller to carry it about with him. 

"4. Its indestructibility: — which made it the safest 
money which people could keep in their houses. 

"5. Its inherent purity: — which made it the hardest 
money to< be counterfeited, and the easiest to be de- 
tected, if it was, and therefore again, the safest money for 
the people to handle. 

"6. Its superiority over all other money; which gave 
to its possessor the choice and command of all other 
money. 

"7. Its power over exchanges, gold being the currency, 
which contributed most to the equalization of exchange, 
and keeping down the rate of exchange to the lowest 
and most uniform point. 

"8. The power over the paper money ; gold being the 
natural enemy of that system, and with fair play able 
to hold it in check. 

"9. It is a constitutional currency, and the people 
have a right to demand it for their currency, as long as 
the present constitution is permited to exist." 

Again on page 443 of the same volume, he said, "It 

was not the time to discuss the relative value of gold and 

silver, nor to urge the particular proportion which ought 

to be established between them — that would be the work 

13 



178 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

of a committee, yet it was sufficient for him to say, that 
the ratio was not one of commerce — it was purely and 
simply a mercantile problem, as much so as any or- 
dinary acquisition of mechandise from foreign countries 
could be. Gold goes where it finds its value, and that 
value is what the great nations give it. In South America 
and Mexico, (California then belonged to Mexico) the 
countries which produce it, and from which the United 
States must derive their chief supply, the value of gold 
is 16 to I. In Cuba it is (in 1834) 17 to 1 ; in Spain and 
Portugal 16 to 1 — and in the West Indies, generally the 
same. It will not be supposed," he said, "that gold will 
come here if the importer is to lose one dollar on sixteen 
that he brings ; or that our gold will remain with us, when 
an exporter can gain one dollar upon every fifteen that 
he carries out." Again on page 445, he says, "that we 
had seen already, that in the establishment of the mint, 
gold was then largely undervalued ; and that undervalua- 
tion had driven gold out of the country, and left a 
vacuum for the circulation of United States Bank notes ; 
and we were now to see, that the same mint was to give 
further aid to the circulation of these notes, by excluding 
both gold and silver from circulation, thus enlarging the 
vacuum which was to be filled by bank paper." On page 
449 he says, "that it was the coming power ; a power that 
belongs to the sovereign (the people) and when a paper 
currency was tolerated, the coinage power was swallowed 
up and superseded by the manufactory which emitted 
paper." 

On page 451 he said "it was a question to be studied as 
the philosopher studies the laws which govern the mater- 
ial world ; as he would study the laws of gravitation and 
attraction, the movements of the planets, or draw the 
water from the mountains to the level of the ocean. The 
money sytem had its laws of attraction and gravitation, 
of repulsion, of adhesion, and no man could indulge the 
hope of establishing a money system contrary to its own 
laws." On page 458 he said that "the government which 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 179 

suffered its currency to fall into such a state,, that the 
farmer, the artisan, the market man, the day laborer, and 
the hired servant, could only be paid in small bank notes, 
was a government which abdicated one of its most 
sacred duties, and became an accomplice on the part of 
the strong in oppressing the weak/' 

He said much more we cannot quote on account of 
space, but he said "he agreed with the executive (Jack- 
son) and had heard from Monticello,* which had con- 
firmed him in his opinions. For two hundred years" he 
said, "this same subject had been under discussion; it was 
a nice point to fix the ratio yvahies were constantly chang- 
ing, but he hoped sometime, somebody would invent a 
plan, to keep the precious metals at a parity with each 
other, but that plan had not yet been discovered; and so 
he went on to argue for a coinage of the metals that 
would keep both in this country, and furnish the people 
with a sound and safe constitutional currency." He was 
a stalwart Democrat, who had no faith in Hat paper 
money, and for that matter no other Hat in money, but 
its inherent market value the world over, and coined as 
such, in such a manner as to attract, and not drive out the 
precious metals. 

The problem is, to so order its coinage as to meet 
present conditions. The United States could not help 
that the value of silver has fallen in proportion to that 
of gold ; ours, the problem to stamp money into units 
whether of gold or silver, so that each will be its own 
redeemer, when represented by money certificates, for 
the convenience of the people. It seems to the writer, that 
to illustrate this idea, it could be accomplished, if say 
t7velve grains of gold were put into our silver dollars, 



• Evidently by letters : Jefferson was then dead. 



180 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

and a like weight of copper alloy taken out (if the com- 
bination could thus be made) we would have a silver 
dollar unit of equal value but of no greater size or 
weight, titan now, to which the people are well accus- 
tomed, and which would release the millions of gold now 
held in the treasury to keep all at a parity with each other. 
It would then be not only a constitutional dollar, a full 
legal tender without even a statute to make it so, but 
would bear coinage by all producers, who- desired to so 
use it. at its full value that none who accepted it, would 
lose by doing so. It is only a suggestion, but it is worth 
consideration by those whose duty it is to provide a good 
sound safe currency for all the people, in such quantities 
as the trade and commerce of the people require. 

Congress alone can do this, — and we do not believe it 
can be settled specifically in party platforms. The Dem- 
ocratic platforms for nearly a century past, save only the 
few simple words in the platform of 1896, have always 
declared this grand principle for coinage, — "the same 
dollar for the bondholder as for the plowholder." The 
author sanctions these views, but in the next chapter 
will state the views, briefly, of those who oppose it. 



CHAPTER XI. 

PAPER MONEY THEORY. 

It is but fair that the opponents of this hard money 
system — this metallic currency and its representative, 
have their views herein set forth. We quote from a 
report to United Senate by the Monetary Commission 
made August 15, 1876. Page 40. 

They claim that money is only a medium of exchange, 
and the extremist of that view believes that no< metallic 
currency at all is necessary. That if the sovereign power 
of a government will issue all currency, and make it re- 
ceivable at par for all public and private dues, — make it a 
legal tender — for all debts, no dear money will be needed 
— it will cost the people nothing, and therefore it is best 
for them. 

Another class of people believe, if government can 
make paper money a legal tender, so they can fix the ratio 
between gold and silver at any rate they please, and that 
it will be all the same to those who use it. Then again 
some believe that the amount of currency in circulation, 
governs the price of all commodities ; and that it is the 
prerogative of government to regulate the amount of that 
currency, as well as its quality; that this should be, as 
they claim, always commensurate with the demands of 
business, and in proportion to the number and increase of 
population. They can see no difference between volume 
of currency, and the volume of currency in circulation. 

Some believe that government should loan money; or 
should furnish it to be loaned, at so low a rate of interest 



182 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

as to deprive the owner of money of great profits for in- 
terest when he loans it to his neighbor for use. 

Some believe that a debt, no matter when contracted, 
should be discharged by the payment of a sum at par 
with the amount of the debt, in the current money in 
general use at the time of payment. 

They claim that money is not in itself wealth, but 
simply "counters" for computing and exchanging 
w r ealth. They claim, also, that money should be steady 
in value, portable, divisible, distinguishable, and difficult 
of imitation ; and that of all these qualities steadiness in 
■value is the one most essential and indispensable ; that 
the highest office of money, is that of measuring values, 
and that to perform this office equitably its each unit 
must possess a practically unfluctuating, unvarying pur- 
chasing power; and that these qualities can be secured 
only through a limitation and regulation of its quantity. 

They maintain that when the money function is con- 
ferred upon gold and silver, while the requirements of 
portability, divisibility, distinguishability, and difficulty 
of imitation are tolerably well met, the requirements of 
constant attainibility and inexpensiveness are not met at 
all. 

With these leading principles of metallic money and 
paper money, our readers will be satisfied, if they desire, 
to enter upon a more extended investigation, than we 
could possibly give within the intended limits of this 
work, and at the same time will show some of the prin- 
cipal points of difference between those taking opposite 
views on the coinage question. 



CHAPTER XII. 

NATIONAL BANK PAPER CURRENCY. 

While the Democratic party has always opposed Nat- 
ional Bank Currency, they have for years protestingly 
submitted to the system now in vogue, for the reason, 
that no other plan for issuing of paper money has been 
adopted. That an absolutely sound paper medium is 
necessary, no one conversant with business affairs will 
deny ; and that metallic money values for exchange, alone 
should be used few will claim. By the issuing of gold 
and silver certificates, redeemable by the government, 
at a parity with each other, so that " one dollar is as 
good as every other dollar" requires the hoarding of a 
sufficient reserve fund of gold in the treasury to meet 
that obligation by a law of its own, if one class of money 
is not equal value with another, it requires a redeemer of 
the best, to keep it in circulation. 

Th government therefore then becomes a sort of 
banking institution itself, to keep it circulating medium 
at par. 

In the message of President Cleveland, December 
7, A. D. 1896, we have the following on this subject of 
Bank and metallic currency: 

"The entire case may be presented by the statement, 
that the day of sensible and sound financial method will 
not dawn upon us, until our government abandons the 
banking business, and the accumulation of funds, and 
confines i's monetary operations to the receipt of the 
money contributed by the people for its support and to 
the expenditure of such money for the people's benefit. 



184 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Our business interests and good citizens long for rest 
from feverish agitation, and for the inauguration of a 
reformed financial policy, which will encourage enter- 
prise and make certain the rewards of labor and in- 
dustry." 

And all that need be added to this is, that banks ought 
to go out of the governing business, and we should have 
the old system of an independent treasury, returned with 
such slight modifications as present conditions may re- 
quire. 

We think too much stress, and consequent denunciation 
of methods, have been heaped upon measures attempted, 
in order to bring about such results ; and upon the other 
hand too much credit is sought to be claimed for meas- 
ures urged to be taken to produce, by the mere operation 
of legislative enactments, relief from commercial depres- 
sions. 

For instance, the recent depression was sought to be 
attributed entirely to legal enactments. "When during 
a former administration a deficency was foretold, in- 
creased apprehension and timidity in business circles was 
sought to be created, while the fact was, that the de- 
pression was actually due to other well understood 
causes, entirely disconnected from the question of a 
deficiency." 

The reduction of revenue was absolutely due to other 
natural causes, which would have disappeared in due 
season, without any legislation whatever if not sought 
to be remedied by laws, which when put into operation, 
soon were subject to the same objections, thus keeping 
the country in commercial commotion all the time. 

We think it should be better understood, that govern- 
ment can do no more than to "coin money ;" and that 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 18 

extraneous circumstances has much more to do with 
"hard times" at any period, than has currency, if it be 
worth what it purports to be. Supply and demand, 
whether the same be applied to labor or property, regu- 
lates the market price of things. Hence we have seen 
that whether under a double or single standard of gold 
and silver, the prices of articles have constantly varied, 
undoubtedly subject more to that great law than the mere 
amount of currency in the country at any given time. 

In fact the hardest times have been, when there was 
the most sound money held on deposit, and the most un- 
reliable currency afloat. 

With our present system of checks, drafts, and bills 
of exchange it requires so much less currency per capita, 
than in the years gone by, when it required actual cur- 
rency to be transported. That the sum total of currency 
in the country has no influence in governing prices, we 
do not assert, but we do claim that it has far less influ- 
ence, than in periods of excitement and alarm, has been 
attributed to it. 

That money possess great power and influence no 
one will deny; but that the great "Money Power" is as 
potent as some claim it to be, we do not believe. If 
through periods of trade depression the precious metals 
are hoarded, and kept from circulation, the money 
lender makes less than when he can lend with a free hand. 
His interest, therefore, it would seem to be, was to keep 
his money at work and not to hoard it. But how can the 
public decrease the power of money? Everybody 
seems to be engaged in getting as much of the "power" 
as he can; and therefore it is, that the most numerous 
portion of the people, by reason of votes, have the most 



186 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

power to wield. All this only to show, that "things are 
not always what they seem to be/' when calmly and prop- 
erly considered, which is not always done. Said a la- 
boring man to the writer, "I tell you, nobody ought to be 
permitted to erect a hundred thousand dollar dwelling 
house." 

Our reply was, "Is it not better for labor that he spend 
it on a house, and thus give you laboring men a hundred 
thousand dollar job, than to hoard it, and give nothing to 
anyone ?" We never heard him complain after that, but 
upon the other hand, he became the strongest kind of an 
advocate of extravagant expenditures for private and 
publis improvements. Tinkering upon Currency laws 
is of little value, beyond what is required to keep it 
sound and safe, in other words being what it represents 
itself to be. 

Our conclusion, therefore is, that it matters not so 
much who issues the paper money, so that it be redeemed 
at full metallic value. There is far more danger when 
one institution acting in concert with others can in- 
crease the currency far beyond a business necessity, and 
thus inflate the circulation, and increase prices ; and then 
at another time, to contract the circulation, reduce the 
value of property, either of which will end in a general 
depression in business, and consequent "hard times." 
When based on metallic money, and its representative, 
this could not be so easily accomplished. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

NEW ISSUES. 

There are always new issues arising requiring solu- 
tion. Thus we have the country confronted with the 
danger from great trusts, combines, expansion, and 
what is called imperialism. 

It is not the province of the author to indicate what 
declarations the Democracy should put forth — rather his 
task to gather together what its policy has been. 

On the subject of trusts, combines, monopolies, and 
great aggregations of capital, there need be no appre- 
hensions. The party councils, and leaders have already 
in platforms expressed themselves as opposed to them, 
when operating so as to injure the masses, and will in 
the pending convention further declare themselves. 

On the simple subject of- "expanding" our free insti- 
tutions to adjoining territory, the American Democracy 
have a record for years as favoring it. They have ac- 
quired from Spain Florida ; from France the Louisana 
Purchase; and from Mexico, California, New Mexico, 
and the immense area ceded to the United States con- 
sequent upon the conclusion of the treaty of peace with 
Mexico. They annexed Texas, — all of which had been 
vehemently opposed by the Federal and Whig Parties. 

On the subject of "expansion" the Democracy have 
a record of nearly one hundred years in favor of it, con- 
cerning adjoining territory here upon the continent of 
North America. In their platform of i860 they re- 
solved "in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, 



188 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

on such terms as would be honorable to ourselves and 
just to Spain. " This was strenuously opposed by the 
anti-slavery party, but going out of power was never 
mentioned afterwards. 

Therefore, to remain consistent upon some of these 
so-called "new questions," there need be no contention. 

But as to the question of acquiring new and exten- 
sive territories in distant oceans, and governing them as 
conquered provinces ; or in engaging in a policy of for- 
cible commercial and territorial aggrandizement, for the 
simple purpose of extending American trade and com- 
merce into foreign lands, there will be great opposition, 
no doubt, by the Democracy, and will doubtless be 
settled by the next National Convention. Thus stand 
these questions, till the policy of the party will be form- 
allv declared. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

4 

ENCOURAGEMENT AND CONCLUSION. 

By way of encouragement it may be well to remind 
our friends, that it is always better to remain united on 
fundamental principles, than to dissolve their power on 
such issues. It is a great mistake to believe that the 
hosts of Democracy have little influence, simply because 
not being at the head of the National Administration. 
Upon the contrary, it is always, and continually exert- 
ing its great influence, even in the actual legislation of the 
country; as well as in the executive and judicial depart- 
ments of our dual form of government. Remember, 
that sometimes more than one-half the states, are wholly 
under its control. So in congressional districts, repre- 
sentatives are chosen to uphold those principles and con- 
trol the House of Representatives. Again, m a large 
number of cities, villages, counties, and townships, in 
so-called Republican States, they are wholly or partially" 
in authority, and thus more or less under the control of 
those principles. So we should consider the aggregate 
of votes cast for President for more than a quarter of a 
century, at every election. Samuel J. Tilden, now gen- 
erally conceded to have been elected, though deprived of 
his office, had received 250,935 more votes in 1876 than 
his opponent, who was accorded the position. Garfield 
had 7,018 votes more than General Hancock, the Demo- 
cratic candidate, who was not elected in 1880. Cleve- 
land in 1884 received 83,183 more votes than Blaine; 
and in 1888 he received 98,017 more votes than Harri- 



190 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

son, who was elected.* And thus we might refer to over 
six million solid votes cast under the banner of the 
great Democratic party, not to mention those which were 
thrown away upon ephemeral parties, claiming more or 
less to sympathize with them on National and general 
issues ; but in thus doing became only aids to t)he oppo- 
nents of the Democratic party. It is safe to claim, that 
the Democracy have for many years been in the majority, 
because many Republicans are Democratic in sentiment, 
and therefore not without influence to carry Democratic 
measures ; but also, even when their Representatives 
were in the minority, their influence was most potent to 
prevent the passage of measures conceived by the leaders 
of their opponents, as was evidenced by the defeat of 
their so-called Federal Force Bill only a few years ago. 
Why then should Democrats be discouraged, and sur- 
render faith in their principles, when such is the record 
they have made? Rather should they learn, and study 
over again those principles proclaimed by true, earnest, 
faithful, sincere, and w T ise Democrats thus announcing 
.them, and press them upon the attention of the young 
and rising generation, that must soon take the burden 
from their fathers, of governing this great country. 
To aid them in doing so this is one of the objects of 
the author. They can make the party just what they 
desire it to be, by remaining true to the principles and 
policies of former generations through "a hundred 
years/' and acting well their part by being true to their 
country and to themselves. 



* See table, page 192. 




JAMES MONROE 



ADDENDA. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 

President Monroe's information and consequent op- 
position to the occupation of the American soil by for- 
eign nations, has come to be considered as much a part 
of the public policy of the nation as any unwritten law 
could well be, both great political parties having made 
it a part of their platforms ; and yet it is only by a brief 
reference to it, and not a full exposition that the people 
get in that way. The writer thought it not a vain thing 
to print it in full with a review of all the events which 
lead up to its promulgation, that those who wish may be 
fully informed on the subject. For this purpose he has 
had opportunities that many now living do not possess, 
because he has made use of some correspondence with one 
who had, perhaps, more to do with it, than any one now 
living, having much of his information cfirectly from the 
person referred to. President James Buchanan held the 
position of a cabinet officer, and minister to England, 
where the archives of the American Diplomatic office 
were for years in his charge, and therefore competent to 
explain many things not generally published. He was 
subsequently elected President of the United States and 
was enabled to put the finishing touches upon the arro- 
gant claims of England both as to colonizing upon Amer- 
ican soil, as well as the right to search American vessels. 
14 



192 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Secretary Root is recently said to have stated in a 
public address "that the United States may, within a 
few years, be compelled to fight for the principles on 
which the Monroe doctrine was founded." This state- 
ment has given the subject, recently, renewed interest. 
The fact that the United States has now acquired ter- 
ritory, in the Eastern hemisphere, and has become what 
is called a World Power, and is still pushing its trade 
relations with eastern countries, is sufficient to arouse 
the jealousy of foreign powers and has given currency 
to the opinions expressed in diplomatic circles both in 
Europe and America, that so long as the United States 
confined their influence to the Western continent there 
was some ground for the claim, that those from the East 
had better comply with their demands in the West, but 
now that they were mixing up in the affairs of the East, 
what answers will the United States make if the eastern 
governments desire to acquire territory in the west? 
European potentates never would recognize the claims 
put forth in the Monroe doctrine, but heretofore, fear- 
ing to run counter to the express declaration of the 
American people, it has assured us the peace contem- 
plated by its early promulgation by President Monroe, 
in his annual message of December 2, 1823. Here is 
what he said, which is called 

-THE MONROE DOCTRINE." 

In the wars of European powers in matters relating 
to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor doe9 
it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our 
rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent 
injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 193 

movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity mo r e 
immediately connected and by causes which must be 
obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The 
political system of the allied powers is essentially dif- 
ferent in this respect from that of America. This dif- 
ference proceeds from that which exists in their respec- 
tive governments ; and to the defense of our own, which 
has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and 
treasure and matured by the wisdom of their most en- 
lightened citizens and under which we have enjoyed un- 
exampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe 
it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers 
to declare that we should consider any attempt on their 
part to extend their system to any portion of this hem- 
isphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With 
the existing colonies, or dependencies of any European 
power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. 
But with the governments who have declared their inde- 
pendence and maintained it, and whose independence 
we have on great consideration, and on just principles 
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for 
the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any 
other manner their destiny by any European power, in 
any other light than as a manifestation of an unfriendly 
disposition toward the United States. In the war be- 
tween those new governments and Spain, we declared 
our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to 
this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, pro- 
vided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of 
competent authorities of this government, shall make a 
corresponding change in the part of the United States 
indispensable to their security. 



194 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Events show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this 
important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced, than 
that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on 
any principles satisfactory to themselves to have it inter- 
posed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To 
what extent such interposition may be carried on the 
same principle, is a question in which all independent 
powers, whose governments differ from theirs are inter- 
ested, even those most remote., and surely none more so 
than the United States. Our policy in regard to 
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars 
which have so long agitated that quarter of the Globe, 
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere 
in the internal concerns of any of its powers ; to consider 
the governments de facto as the legitimate government 
for us ; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to pre- 
serve those relations by a frank, firm and manly policy, 
meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, 
submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to 
those continents circumstances are eminently and con- 
spicuously different. It is impossible that the allied 
powers should extend their political systems to any por- 
tion of either continent without endangering our peace 
and happiness ; nor can anyone believe that our Southern 
brethern, if left to themselves would adopt it of their 
own accord. It is equally impossible therefore, that we 
should behold such interposition in any form with indif- 
ference. If we look to the comparative strength and re- 
sources of Spain, and those new governments and their 
distance from each other, it must be obvious, that she 
never can subdue them. It is still the true policy of the 
United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the 
hope that other powers will pursue the same course. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 195 

Monroe's jth Annual Message, Dec. 2, 1823. Such is 
what is called the Monroe doctrine. How was it 
brought about, and what occasioned it, will be the sub- 
ject of the following. 

The principles upon which the Monroe doctrine rests, 
having in the light of recent events come into promi- 
nence again, it may not be amiss to recall some of the cir- 
cumstances out of which it arose, in order to gain a clear 
and distinct idea of what the policy of the United States 
has been on the subject for nearly a century past. The 
failure to apply it to the case of Mexico just previous 
to and during the rebellion, and what political party was 
responsible for the failure to apply it at that time, may 
also make more clear what the duty of an American ad- 
ministration is under circumstances now existing. 

During the administration of James Buchanan the re- 
public of Mexico was almost constantly in a state of rev- 
olution. Great outrages had been committed by the sev- 
eral Mexican governments, and President Buchanan 
called attention to these in his message to Congress in 
December, 1859. (See Journal of House of Representa- 
tives, Page 207.) 

In that message he said : "The wrongs which we 
nave suffered from Mexico are before the world and 
must deeply impress every American citizen. A gov- 
ernment which is either unable or unwilling to redress 
such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties." Mira- 
mon's government was a usurpation. He was placed in 
power by Zulaga, a partisan of the so-called church 
party, in the interest of monarchial influences from 
abroad, as "President Substitute," and Juarez, who suc- 
ceeded Comonfort, was the constitutional president, hav- 
ing been chief justice of Mexico, and by the constitution 



196 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

becoming the acting president, proceeded to* organize 
resistance against the Miramon usurpation, finally es- 
tablishing himself at Vera Cruz. The United States 
government ceased to hold intercourse with Miramon at 
the capitol and recognized the constitutional government 
of Juarez. It was the policy of the administration to 
send a military expedition to the City of Mexico and de- 
mand a redress of grievances, and bv doing this, by con- 
sent of President Juarez, would have resulted in driving 
the usurper Miramon from power and re-establishing 
the rightful president of Mexico in the capitol of the 
nation. This was deemed of great importance by Pres- 
ident Buchanan because it would remove from us the 
danger of a foreign war in support of the Monroe doc- 
trine against any European nation, which might be 
tempted by the distracted condition of Mexico to inter- 
fere forcibly in its internal affairs, under the pretext of 
restoring peace and order. The president could not do 
this without the aid of congress, consequenly he sent his 
message to congress on the 19th of December, 1859. 

After fully explaining the situation he concludes thus : 
"For these reasons I recommend to congress to pass a 
law authorizing the president * * * to employ a 
sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose 
of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the 
future." He then argues the right and duty of the 
United States government to do this, as not interfering 
in the domestic affairs of a foreign nation, but for safety 
ourselves, and concludes : "As a good neighbor, shall 
we not extend a helping hand to save her? If we do 
not, it would not be surprising should some other nation 
undertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 197 

under circumstances of increased difficulty for the main- 
tenance of our established policy/' 

These recommendations were wholly disregarded by 
congress during the session of 1859-60, were not even 
noticed in any of its proceedings, the house of represen- 
tatives being too exclusively engaged in discussing the 
slavery question and giving attention to the approaching 
presidential election, to devote any attention to the vin- 
dication of our honor, by applying the Monroe doctrine 
in the support of free institutions in our neighbor re- 
public. 

In his message of December, 1860, he again called the 
attention of congress to this matter, but with no better 
effect. After rehearsing the facts, he deprecates the 
omission of congress to give the required authority, and 
showing what might have been the result had it done 
so. He closes by saying : "We should thus have been 
relieved from the obligation of resisting by force, should 
this be necessary, any attempt by these governments to 
deprive our neighboring republic of portions of her ter- 
ritory, a duty from which we could not shrink without 
abandoning the traditional and established policy of the 
American people/' , 

This was the policy of President Buchanan concerning 
the "Monroe doctrine. The failure of Congress to re- 
gard his recommendation resulted in the French estab- 
lishing a monarchy upon American soil, under his suc- 
cessor's administration, when we were ourselves engaged 
in a great civil war. 

Now then, what is this Monroe doctrine, which is "the 
established and traditional policy of the American gov- 
ernment ' Here the writer must quote largely from 
others who have at great length given us the history of 



198 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the events which lead up to its establishment as a sort of 
unwritten law of our country. 

When the allied powers of Europe had conquered 
Xapoleon and placed the Bourbon Louis XVIII upon the 
throne of France, then but recently under free govern- 
ment, Russia, Austria and Prussia in 1815 formed the 
so-called "Holy Alliance/'' and induced even France to 
accede to it The object was the '"unholy" purpose of 
abolishing liberal governments on the continent of 
Europe, and to maintain the divine right (?) of sov- 
ereigns to rule according to their own discretion. In 
other words, to rollr back the tide of progress towards 
free institutions instigated by the successful example of 
the United States of America, and to restore the old 
forms of despotic governments existing before the 
American and French revolutions. Accordingly the 
guns of France were turned against the Cortes of Spain, 
and restored the bigoted Ferdinand VII to absolute 
power. 

It must be remembered that one year before this the 
United States government, in 1822, had acknowledged 
the independence of different South American Spanish 
colonies, and had appropriated one hundred thousand 
dollars to defray the expenses of missions to these "in- 
dependent nations on the American continents." 

Now mark the results : While the French were suc- 
cessfully crushing the Spanish liberals, their old enemy, 
England, became satisfied that after their European cam- 
paign had ended, the French intended to assist Ferd- 
inand VII to re-subjugate what they termed "his re- 
bellous colonies" on this side of the Atlantic ! 

Engand having then, as she has ever since, cultivated 
her extensive trade with these South American coun- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 199 

tries, was most strenuously opposed to this, and resolved 
to resist it, because, if successful, it would be a very se- 
vere blow to her commerce in that quarter of the new 
world. 

Shrewd and sharp as British statesmen generally have 
been, she sought to enlist the United States with her 
in this great enterprise. They well knew that to enlist 
American patriotism with them would vastly strengthen 
her cause in support of their trade. Benj. Rush, in 
1823, was the American minister in London and the 
grea!: British statesman, Mr. Canning, was the British 
minister of foreign affairs. The latter took Mr. Rush 
into his confidence and proposed that the two govern- 
ments should immediately publish a joint declaration 
before Europe, manifesting a decided hostility to the 
purpose of the so-called "Holy Alliance" so far as Amer- 
ica was concerned. Air. Canning proposed that this 
manifesto should declare the opinion that the recovery 
of the Spanish colonies was a hopeless task. (England 
had had a little experience with North America some 
time before that and knew how it was herself.) Air. 
Canning further proceeded to say that the recognition 
of these states as free and independent nations was one 
of time and circumstances ; and that the two uniting 
powers were not disposed, however, to interpose ob- 
stacles in the way to* any arrangements between the col- 
onies and Spain ; but while they did not aim at acquiring 
any portion of these colonies for themselves they would 
not see the transfer of any of them to a third power with 
indifference. 

Without attempting a minute statement of all that was 
proposed upon that occasion, it will suffice to say that 
Air. Canning earnestly urged Air. Rush to become a 



200 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

party to this declaration immediately. Mr. Rush re- 
plied that he had no instructions to warrant him in such 
an act, yet he agreed to assume that responsibility upon 
one express condition only ; and that was that Great Brit- 
ain would first acknowledge the independence of these 
new American republics, as the United States had al- 
ready done. Mr. Canning, though still resolved to <*^~ 
feat the Alliance in its project, declined to take that step, 
perhaps with a secret hope some trade arrangements 
might be made between them as dependencies only of the 
British crown. - 

Be that as it may, Mr. Rush, on September 19, 1823, 
communicated these facts to John Quincy Adams, the 
secretary of state at Washington, in an elaborate dis- 
patch, which has become a part of the American arch- 
ives. After President Monroe had himself considered 
these views, he sent them together with his own, as was 
his custom, to America's greatest statesman, Thomas 
Jefferson, asking his views as to what course ought to 
be pursued by our government to ward off the threaten- 
ing danger to our free institutions and those of our sis- 
ter republics. 

This great American Democrat considered the subject 
until the 24th of October, 1823, when he replied in an 
earnest, enthusiastic and eloquent letter, displaying in 
his old age the statesman-like sagacity and ardent pa- 
triotism of the author of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence — if not indeed the author of that system of free 
government which this "unholy alliance" had been seek- 
ing to crush out in the world. The letter is found in 
Randall's "Life of Jefferson/' vol. 3, page 491. It needs 
no apology to any American Democrat to give the letter 
entire, because it might well teach the present genera- 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACV 201 

tion how jealous they ought to be of our free institu- 
tions, and how zealous, even clown to old age, in promul- 
gating and sustaining them to bless mankind in future 
ages. 

The letter of Jefferson was as follows : 

"The question presented by the letters you have sent 
me is the most momentous which has ever been offered 
to my contemplation since that of Independence. That 
made us a nation ; this sets our compass and points the 
course which we are to steer through the ocean of time 
opening on us, and never could we embark on it under 
circumstances more auspicious. Our first and funda- 
mental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in 
the toils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer Europe 
to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, north 
and south, has a set of interests distinct from those of 
Europe and peculiarly her own. She should therefore, 
have a system of her own, separate and apart from that 
of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the 
domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be 
to make our hemisphere that of freedom. 

One nation, most of all could disturb us in this pur- 
suit ; she now offers to lead, aid and accompany us in it. 
By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the 
band of despots, bringing her mighty weight into the 
scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at 
one stroke, which might otherwise linger long in doubt 
and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation that can do 
us the most harm of any one or all on earth ; and with her 
on our side we need not fear the whole world. With her, 
then, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friend- 
ship : and nothing would tend more to knit our affections 
than to be fighting once more side by side, in the same 
cause. Not that I would purchase even her amity at the 
price of taking part in her wars. But the war in which 
the present proposition might engage us, should that be 
its consequence, is not her war, but ours. 



202 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

Its object is to introduce and establish the American 
system of keeping out of our land all foreign powers; 
of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with 
the affairs of our nation. It is to maintain our own prin- 
ciples, not to depart from it; and if, to facilitate this, 
we can effect a division in the body of ' the European 
powers and draw over to our side its most powerful 
member, surely we should do- it. But I am clearly of 
Mr. Canning's opinion that it will prevent instead of pro- 
voke war. With Great Britain taken from their scale 
and shifted into that of our two continents all Europe 
combined would not undertake such a w r ar. For how 
would they propose to get at either enemy without su- 
perior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be slighted, which 
this proposition offers, of declaring our protest against 
the atrocious violations of the rights of nations, by the 
interference of any one in the internal affairs of another, 
so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte, and now continued 
by the equally lawless alliance calling itself "holy." 

"But we have first to ask ourselves a question : Do we 
wish to acquire to our own confederacy any one or more 
of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I 
have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting ad- 
dition which could ever be made to our system of states. 
The control which, with Florida point, this Island would 
give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and 
isthmus bordering on it, as w r ell as all those whose waters 
flow into it, would fill up the measures of our political 
well being. Yet. as I am sensible, that this can never be 
obtained, even with her own consent, but by war ; and its 
independence, which is our second interests (and es- 
pecially its independence of England), can be secured 
without it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first 
wish to future chances, and accepting its independence, 
with peace and the friendship of England, rather than its 
association at the expense of war and her enmity. 

"I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration 
proposed, that we aim not at the acquisition of any of 
those possessions ; that we will not stand in the way of 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 203 

any amicable arrangement between them and the mother 
country ; but that we will oppose, with all our means, the 
forcible interposition of any other power, as auxiliary, 
stipendiary or under any other form or pretext, and most 
especially their transfer to any power by conquest, 
cession or acquisition in any other way. I should think it 
therefore advisable that the executive should encourage 
the British government to a continuance in the disposi- 
tions expressed in these letters, by an assurance of his 
concurrence with them, so far as his authority goes, and 
that, as it may lead to war, the declaration of which re- 
quires an act of congress the case should be laid before 
them for consideration at their first meeting and under 
the reasonable aspect in which it is seen by himself. 

"I have been so long weaned from political subjects 
and have so long ceased to take any interest in them that I 
am sensible I am not qualified to offer opinions on them 
worthy of any attention. But the question now proposed 
involves consequences so lasting and effects so decisive 
of our future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I 
have heretofore felt on such occasions and to induce me 
to the hazard of opinions which will prove only my wish 
to contribute still my mite toward anything which may 
be useful to our country. And praying you to accept 
it only for what it is worth, I add my assurance of my 
constant and affectionate friendship and respect." 

Thomas Jefferson. 

On December 2, 1823, President Monroe in his seventh 
annual message announced what is now known as ''The 
Monroe Doctrine." 

In its most compact form he sums up his conclusions 
as follows : "As a principle in which the rights and in- 
terests of the United States are involved, that the Amer- 
ican continents, by the free and independent condition 
they ha\^ assumed and maintained, are henceforth not 
to be considered as subjects for future colonization by 



204 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

any European powers." The word "henceforth" was 

evidently used because Great Britain, France and Por- 
tugal, in the form of the Brazilian Empire, then possessed 
colonies on these continents and were held to be exempt 
from its terms. This is evident because in the same 
message the president also said, "with the existing 
colonies or dependencies of any European power we have 
not interfered and will not interfere/' 

It will be noticed that Jefferson went beyond the terms 
of the joint declaration proposed by Mr. Canning — the 
latter was confined to the Spanish-American colonies — 
but the Monroe doctrine extends the protection of the 
United States to every other portion of both continents. 

In his message the president discussed the project of 
this alliance against the southern republics and warned 
those European powers of the consequences they might 
expect. 

President James Buchanan, who did more to enforce 
it, whether while acting as a foreign minister, or a 
member of the cabinet or as executive than any other 
president since Monroe's time, thus sums up his under- 
standing of the ''doctrine :" "It is in opposition to future 
European colonization on any part of the American con- 
tinent ; it is opposition to any introduction of European 
despotic or monarchial institutions in any part of the 
American continent ; it is in opposition to any attempt of 
European sovereigns to subjugate the North American 
republic of Mexico, or any of the South American re- 
publics. 

Mr. Rush reported that when the Monroe message 
arrived in London it excited great attention. "The press 
was full of it, and it was upon all tongues. The "Spanish- 
American deputies were overjoyed — their securities rose 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 205 

in the stock market and the safety of the new states was 
assured from all European coercion. The allies aban- 
doned their hostile purpose against them, and their in- 
dependence was secured." It proved to be eminently 
wise, that the oldest American republic on this continent 
should at the proper time, have interposed its shield to 
defend their weaker sisters against the assaults of the 
unholy alliance of European despotism. It will be wise 
at all times to repeat the same whenever thought nec- 
essary. 

But how was it received by British statesmen? We 
are told by the American minister that the portion re- 
garding the protection of the new republics, being in 
accordance with the avowed policy of Great Britain, was 
received with favor by their government ; but not so with 
that portion of it against future European colonization ! 
And they are not vet satisfied with it. 

The Monroe doctrine soon became a canon of political 
faith for the American people. They placed it side by 
side with their impressment of American seamen, and the 
search of American vessels on the high seas. 

President Buchanan, arguing in favor of supporting 
the Juarez government in Mexico and by demanding in- 
demnity of Aliramon, the infamous "substitute presi- 
dent," destroy this germ of despotism, declared govern- 
ments so radically opposed in principle could not in- 
termingle in adjoining territories without dangerous 
disputes and collisions. The contrast between them 
would be a perennial source of jealousy. Each would nec- 
essarily endeavor to propagate its own principles among 
the neighboring people of the other. In the interest of 
peace and friendship between European monarchies and 
American republics, a wise foresight forbids the former 



206 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

from establishing colonies within the territories or in the 
vicinity of the latter. Should the United States inter- 
pose forcibly to establish Republican institutions on any 
part of the European continent, it is certain all their 
sovereigns would continue to resist such an interference 
as dangerous to their system. Shall we then, abandoning 
the Monroe doctrine, patiently suffer any of them to 
extend their dominion, equally dangerous to our free 
form of government, on this side of the Atlantic ?" 

So now must every American Democrat denounce the 
attempt to extend the borders of the present possessions 
of several Europan powers on the Atlantic side of South 
America, by bullying comparatively weak states into a 
compulsory accession of territory claimed by virtue of 
franchise granted against the protests of the people — the 
sovereigns of those states. 

It may be true that British colonies are comparatively 
free compared with Russia and other absolute mon- 
archies ; but as boards of health would destroy germs of 
contagious diseases, so should we, the greatest of all 
American republics, quarantine against the spread of 
monarchiaL germs along the banks of the Orinoco, in a 
strip of territory as large as Ohio taken from Venezuela. 
This is not jingoism, which would seek to prevent a 
friendly power from demanding a redress of actual in- 
ternational grievances from a sister republic, but an hon- 
est protest against the despoilment of a sister republic of 
territory that is already pledged to free government, by 
forcing a transfer of territory by no less dishonorable 
means than the payment of a debt by the sale of virtue. 

The Monroe doctrine became the established policy of 
.our government, placed side by side with our hostility to 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 207 

the impressment of American seamen and the search of 
American vessels on the high seas. 

Notwithstanding treaties had been made between the 
United States and Great Britain since the war of 1812, 
still the latter failed, in so many words, to absolutely 
agree to either or all of the above propositions, in ac- 
cordance with the position taken by the United States. 

During the administration of President Polk it became 
necessary to re-affirm the Monroe doctrine, having 
especial reference to the attempt then made by England 
to establish a protectorate, over what was called the 
Musquito coast, within the bounds of the republics of 
Nicaragua and Honduras, which President Polk did in 
decided terms in his first message to congress December 
2, 1845. 

During the administrations of Taylor and Fillmore, 
elected by the Whig party, Hon. James M. Clayton was 
minister to England, and concluded the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty which became very unsatisfactory because open 
to two constructions upon these vital international ques- 
tions. 

President Pierce succeeded that administration, and 
James Buchanan was sent to England as Clayton's suc- 
cessor. The true construction of the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty became the subject of an extended correspondence 
between him and the British government. It continued 
during nearly his whole term of office, without any 
material effect. He returned to the United States ap- 
plauded by the whole American people, because of the 
patriotism and ability displayed in handling these great 
questions, and was immediately nominated in 1856 as 
the Democratic candidate for president. The Democratic 

platform made at Cincinnati took a decided position in 
*]5 



208 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

favor of the American construction of that treaty, declar- 
ing in substance, briefly stated, as follows : 

That in view of the condition of popular institutions in 
the old world, and the dangerous tendency of sectional 
agitation in the United States, it behooved the American 
Democracy to uphold and maintain the constitution, 
which it declared was broad enough to uphold the union 
as it was, is, and should be, in the full expression, energies 
and capacity of this great and growing people ; that there 
were then questions pending connected with the foreign 
policy of this country inferior to no domestic question ; 
that the time had come for our people to declare them- 
selves in favor of free seas, and progressive free trade 
throughout the world ; with especial reference to searches 
and seizures of American vessels under our flag, which 
were to be free therefrom in all parts of the w r orld ; and 
that was the time by solemn manifestations to place our 
moral influence by the side of our successful example ; 
that our geographical and political position, no less than 
our commercial interests and growing power, required 
that we should hold sacred the principles of the Monroe 
doctrine, which admitted of no misconstruction and 
should be applied with unbending rigidity. It further 
declared that the great highways which nature as well 
as the states immediately interested, by their assent, 
marke^d out for free communication between the Atlantic 
and Pacific oceans, constituting the most important 
achievement in modern times, (the Panama railroad and 
Nicaraguan canal), realized in the unconquerable energy 
of our people, and which we had the right to- control, 
and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or 
clog its progress by any interference with any relations 
it might suit our policy to adopt between our govern- 
ment and the government of the countries within whose 
dominions they lay ; and that under no circumstances 
must we surrender our preponderance in the adjustment 
of all questions arising out of it ; and that furthermore, 
in view of these commanding interests, the people of the 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 209 

United States deeply sympathized with the efforts then 
being made by the people of Central America to regen- 
erate that portion of the continent which covered the 
inter-oceanic passages between, and they finally declared 
that they would expect the next administration to> in- 
sure our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico and to main- 
tain permanent protection to the great outlets through 
which were emptied into its waters the products raised 
out of the soil and commodities created by the industry. of 
the people of our western valleys and plains, and those 
of the union at large ! 

This was called the platform of the "fierce Democracy," 
because it was patriotic, progressive and brave. 

Upon this platform James Buchanan, the last Demo- 
cratic president before Cleveland, was triumphantly 
elected; and so far as in his power he fulfilled that 
pledge. 

Upon his induction into office he found our foreign 
affairs with England, as he had left them in London — 
very unsatisfactory. The two irritating and dangerous 
questions were still pending, which, in view 7 of the posi- 
tion taken by the American Democracy, might at any 
moment have involved us in war. 

The first one was the protectorate over the Musquito 
coast, and England's establishment of a colonial govern- 
ment over the Bay Islands belonging to the feeble repub- 
lics of Nicaragua and Honduras. 

It had been supposed that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
had settled these questions in our favor, but Great Britain 
had failed to withdraw from these territories and per- 
sisted in holding them, contending that the treaty only 
prohibited her from making future acquisitions in Central 
America. The second irritating question was the claimed 



210 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

right to search American vessels under the plea that they 
wished to ascertain whether any carried slaves. 

England had maintained her right of search both be- 
fore the war of 1812, and persistently claimed that right 
until Buchanan's election. Her exercise of the right in 
1858 nearly involved the two countries in war. They 
well knew that the American people were peculiarly 
sensitive against any attempt by any power, anywhere 
in the world, to invade the freedom of the seas. The 
doctrine was maintained that "Old Glory" made free 
from search any vessel over which it floated, anywhere 
the same as the soil on which it was planted ! This ques- 
tion was now brought home to the British government by 
the same person who had so ably but ineffectually argued 
the claim of American rights at the court of St. James 
when in London, but now he demanded the concession of 
those rights as the commander-in-chief of the American 
army and navy, from the capital of his country, placed 
there by the suffrages of a brave and determined people. 

John Bull played the bluff game for a little while and 
dispatched small armed vessels, employed in the Crimean 
war. into the Gulf of Mexico and to the coast of Cuba, with 
instructions to search American merchantmen, under 
some pretext or another, as she always claimed. Uncle 
Sam thought he could police his own merchant marine; 
the free and uninterrupted use of these waters were 
peculiarly essential to our coastwise trade, and thought 
if the British bothered us we would fight to maintain our 
rights. 

The British officers, however, were instructed and did 
proceed to execute their orders by forcibly boarding and 
searching American vessels in those waters, oftentimes 
in a rude and most offensive manner, as if England really 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 211 

was the "mistress of the seas." Day after day these re- 
ports came to hand. The people became excited and 
loudly demanded redress. The President emphatically 
protested against the same and remonstrated against 
these deliberate violations of treaty obligations. 

Congress had adjourned and the writer happened to 
visit Washington in July, 1858, and yet well remembers- 
a call upon the venerable Secretary of State, General 
Cass, whom he found seated in his office between two ; 
secretaries, while preparing, as he remarked, important 
dispatches concerning the recent British outrages in the 
Gulf of Mexico It had become necessary to resist 
force by force, and without calling back congress or 
awaiting their action, the President immediately ordered 
every ship of war within reach to the Gulf of Mexico, 
with positive instructions to protect all United States 
vessels on the high seas from search, seizure or detention 
by vessels of war of any other nation. Those were words 
that meant business. Had a collision occurred between 
vessels of war, each acting under instructions from their 
own government, war would have instantly existed. 

This action of the President brought the British to 
terms. No collision occurred. They quietly adandoned 
their claim to the right of search ; recognized the validity 
of the principles of international law as always claimed 
by the United States and prepared to be enforced by the 
president. This secured from visitation and search of 
all American vessels by British cruisers in time of peace, 
under any circumstances whatever. Since then the 
deck of an American vessel, under our flag, is as free as 
American soil. It is n^w the policy of this government 
and it places all other nations in the position where they 
must fight or abandon the claim For aught we know 



212 THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 

the rejuvenated nation of Japan, in the exuberance of 
her own importance, after her recent success like a 
bantam in a barnyard, is the only nation that now claims 
that right. She threatened to enforce it upon one of our 
vessels during the recent war with China. Our minister 
Dun plainly told them the result if their claims were not 
abandoned. The armistice being declared at that par- 
ticular time saved an attempt and the subject is now 
under consideration by the two governments. The result 
is not doubtful. 

The British government eventually withdrew from the 
Musquito protectorate as well as from the colony of the 
Bay Islands ; and at the close of Buchanan's administra- 
tion no European colony existed upon American soil, 
except such as had been established before the Monroe 
doctrine was announced — unless formed out of territory 
previously belonging to a European power. 

Looking out upon the world before us, we see indica- 
tions that the contest for offensive positions will be re- 
newed upon the American continent. South and Central, 
with a view to control our inter-oceanic communications 
or the waters of strategic importance in neighboring re- 
publics ; perhaps under the guise of contracts, but yet 
for purposes inimical to the peace and welfare of this part 
of the world. It will be well to watch them closely. 

The American Democracy demanded of the first Demo- 
cratic successor of that Democratic president who wrested 
from the British government the relinquishment of those 
ancient claims, that it maintain the position of the Ameri- 
can people, as well as that of the Democratic party, and 
to see that our right to the railroad across the Isthmus 
of Darien and the unmolested right to the control of the 
Nicaraguan canal be preserved to the fullest extent in 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 213 

accordance with the traditions and principles of that 
great party; and that no territory shall be wrested from 
any American republic, or colonized by any European 
power ; that our vessels shall be free upon the high seas, 
that American citizens shall not be impressed into any 
foreign army or navy against their will; to the end that 
this policy may be vindicated; that those principles shall 
be perpetuated and maintained as a part of the glorious 
heritage, to the many achievements of which they may 
well point with pride as the work cf their fathers. Let the 
actions of the sons be worthy of their sires and their 
banner shall never be permanently trailed in the dust. 

The Republican party, at their National Convention at 
St. Louis, Mo., June 17, 1896, adopted the following 
platform on the subject: "We re-assert the Monroe 
doctrine in its full extent, and we re-affirm the right of the 
United States to give the Doctrine effect by responding 
to the appeals of any American state for friendly inter- 
vention in case of European encroachment. We have not 
interfered and shall not interfere with the existing pos- 
sessions of any European power in this hemisphere, but 
those possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended. 
We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal 
of the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the 
ultimate union of all English speaking parts of the con- 
tinent by the free consent of its inhabitants. 

This has followed the message of President Cleveland 
upon the Venezuela affair, which brought about the set- 
tlement of that long-standing contention. Then followed 
the Spanish war, at the close of which it lost Cuba, 
Puerto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and thus stands 
the situation at the present time. 



214 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 



PRESIDENTIAL VOTE FROM 1789 TO 1896. 



Year. 



Candidate. 



Party. 



Popular Vote. 



Electoral 
Vote. 



1789 { 
1792 ^ 



17 



i 



1800 -j 

1804 -j 
1808 -j 

1812 -j 

1816 -j 
1820 { 

r 

1824 j 
1828 j 

r 

1832 <( 

1 
I 

1836 -i 



1840 



1844 -j 
1848-^ 
1852 j 



George Washington., 
George Washington.. 



John Ada ins. , 

Thomas Jefferson. 



Thomas Jefferson.. 

Aaron Burr 

John Adams 



Thomas Jeffeiv on., 
C. C. Pinckney 



James Madison.. 
C C. Pinckney... 



James Madison.. 
DeWitt Clinton.. 

James Monroe... 
Rufus King 



James Monroe . .. 

-John Q. Adams.. 
Andrew Jackson . 
W. H. Crawford .. 
Henry Clay 



Andrew Jackson . 
John Q. Adams 



Andrew Jackson.. 

Henry Clay 

John Floyd 

William Wirt , 



Martin Tan Buren 

Wm. H. Harrison 

et als 

Wm. H. Harrison 

Martin Van Buren , 



James K Polk.. 
Henry Clay 



Zachary Taylor 

L.ewis Cass 

Martin Van Buren., 



Franklin Pierce Dem* 

Win field Scott et als Whig 



Federal 
Dem. 



I 
Electors chos*n by.Unani- 
StateLegislatures mous. 
do do do 



do 



do 



Dem. Elected by House 

Dem. 

Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 

Federal 
Dem. 
Dem. 
Whig 

Dem. 
Federal 

Dem. 

Whig 
Whig 
Whig 

Dem. 
Whig 

Whig 
Dem. 

Dem. 
Whig 

Whig 
Dem. 
Dem. 



71 



73 



Rep. on 35th ballot 


73 

65 


Electors chos'n by 
StateLegislatures 


148 
28 


do do 


122 
47 


do do 


128 
89 


do do 


183 
34 


But one electoral 
vote in opposition 
105,321 
155,872 
44,282 
46,587 




84 
99 
41 
37 


647,231 

509,097 


178 
83 ' 


987.502 
530,189 


219 
49 
11 




7 


761,549 
736,656 


170 
121 


1,275,011 
1,135,761 


234 
60 


1,337,243 
1,361,362 


170 

105 


1,360,099 

1,220,554 

291,263 


163 
127 


1,601,474 
1,542,403 


254 
42 



* Elected by House of Representatives. 



THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 215 

PRESIDENTIAL VOTE— Concluded. 



Year. 


Candidate. 


Party, 


Popular vote. 


Electoral 
Vote. 


1856] 


James Buchanan 


Dem. 
Repub. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Repub 
Dem. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Repub. 
Dem. 

Dem. 
Repub. 
G. B. 

Repub. 
Dem. 
G. B. 

Dem. 

Repub. 

Peo. 

Dem. 
Repub. 

Dem. 

Repub. 

Peo. 

Repub. 
Dem. & 
Pop. 
Peo. 


1,838,166 

2,215,768 

1,866.352 
2,810,501 

2,216.067 
1,808,725 

3.015,071 
2,709 613 

3,597,070 
2,834,079 

4,284.885 

4,033,950 

81,740 

4,449,053 

4,442,035 

307,306 

4,911,017 

4,848,334 

285,634 

5,538 233 

5,440.216 

402,311 

5,556,918 

5,176,108 

1,041,028 

265,297 

7,104,779 

6,502,925 
314,398 


174 


John C. Fremont 


114 


1860J 
1864] 


Abraham Lincoln 


180 


Stephen A. Douglas 

et als 

Abraham Lincoln 


123 
213 


Geo. B. McClellan 


21 


1868 -j 


Ulysses S. Grant 


214 


Horatio Seymour 


80 


1872 j 


Dlysses S. Grant 


286 


Horace Greeley 


Dec. 


1876^ 


Samuel J. Tilden 

R. B. Hayes 


184 
185 


1 


Peter Cooper 




r 


James A Garfield 


214 


1880^ 


W. S. Hancock 




1 


James B. Weaver.. 




r 


Grover Cleveland 


219 


1884^ 


James G. Blaine 


182 


1 


B. F. Butler 




( 


et als 
Grover Cleveland 


168 


1888-< 


Benj. Harrison 


233 


1 

1892-1 


Clinton B. Flsk 

et als 

Grover Cleveland 


277 


Benj. Harrison 


145 


| 


James B. Weaver 




r 

1896 <( 

i 
I 


et als 

Wil'iam McKinley.. 

William J. Bryan 


271 


Other candidates 


176 









* We are indebted to The World Almanac for the figures after 1872. 



INDEX. 



PAGE 

Associations — Leagues .. . 124 

Banks— National 47, 184 

Banking, business governments 184 

Bonds — Opposed to issuing certain 108 

Buchanan, Jas. — Message of... 120 

Buchanan, Jas. — Not derelict in duty 121 

Buchanan , Jas. — Portrait of C 59 

Corruption — In office 152 

Cobden, Richard, on Revenue 147 

Civil Rights 142 

Communications — Free 130 

Coercion of States 119,120, 150 

Change of Administrations 87 

Change — People free to change form of government 57 
Change — Of Federal Constitution generally against 31 

Currency — Favor sound 40, 46, 78 

Cleveland, Prest.— Views of 41, 183, 5 

Cleveland, Prest. — Nominated 86 

Cleveland, Prest. — Administrations 96, 97 

Caucus — First Congressional, 1800 48 

Cuba — Acquisition of. 64 

Cuba — Sympathy with 112 

Civil Service 76, 82, 112, 151, 154 

Commercial Policy 91 

Commerce unfettered 148 

Constitution — Amendment of , 160 

Civil over Military Power.. , 162 



INDEX 21- 

PAGE 

Coinage— Gold and Silver 174, 175, 6, 7 179 

Coinage— Views of Tom Benton 175, 6, 7, 8, 9 

Coinage — Author's suggestion *.... ...179, 180 

Coinage — Jefferson and Hamilton ! 175 

Democracy — Allen's description of 10 

Democracy — Hoadley's description of 11 

Democrats — Duty of 14 

Democrats — Not everything is so-called 15, 25 

Democrats — Should be well understood 18 

Democrats — -Principles where found 24 

Democrats — Principles by Washington 27 

Democrats — Favors Union 28 

Democratic Party — Not derelict 121 

Democracy — Summary of 170 

Democracy — Has distinct policy 157 

Democracy — Rationale of 158 

Democracy — Favors Public Instruction 162 

Debtors — Discrimination of by Gov Ill 

Debts — Public, not a blessing 167 

Domestic Industries , 99 

Difference in parties — Different standpoints 155 

Economy in expenses 81, 99 

Economy — By Jackson 37, 71 

Economy — By Cleveland 46 

Equality in Rights 52 

Equality in Taxation 71, 76 

Elections— Freedom of 73, 91, 101, 137, 8, 161, 168 

Extravagance — Republican 110 

Emigration — Freedon of 139 

Expansion — In adjoining territories favored 187 

Expansion — Beyond, condemned 188 

Encouragement to Democrats 188 



218 INDEX 

PAGE 

Electoral College— Votes in 191, 192, 214, 216 

Freedom of the Press 164 

Freedom of Worship-. 130 

Freedom of Religion 140, 163 

Free speech 49, 164 

Foreign Influence 30, 35, 159 

Foreign Nations 93, 104 

France Congratulated 57 

Foreign Paupers 105 

Funds— Public 135 

Gold and Silver Coinage 40, 91 

Hamilton — Federalist 12 

Honest Money — Gold and silver 91 

Habeas Corpus 126,131, 164 

Industries — Domestic. 99 

Jury Trials... 165 

Jefferson — Founder of party 12 

Jeffersonian Principles ;..32, 34 

Jefferson's Portrait 32 

Jacksonian Principles 36, 41 

Jackson, Andrew — Portrait 36 

Johnson, Andrew — On Coercion 119 

Labor— Friends of 86, 88, 95, 98, 106, 110, 163 

Lands— Public 96, 104, 109 

Labor — Chinese 97 

Law — Supremacy of 125 

Liberty — Personal 130 

Liberty of Conscience 140 

Madisonian Principles 34,36, 166 

Madison, James — Portrait of. 35 

Money metals 41 

Majority must rule 41, 78 



INDEX 219 

PAGE 

Money— Deposited in banks, opposed 42 

Monroe Doctrine favored 21, 62 

Monroe Doctrine — Full text 197 

Monarchical tendencies opposed 84, 92, 1 60 

Marine merchant favored 94 

Mississippi river — Improvement favored 94 

Manufactures — Equally favored 99 

Meetings — Public 124 

Mobs and mob-law opposed by 125 

Martial law — Seldom proclaimed only when 126 

Military rule subservient to civil power 127, 128 

Money — Safest in people's pockets 168 

Money —Paper money theories 181 

Money power — Powerful 185 

Micaraguan canal 45, 62, 63 

Navy — Increase of. 94 

Nation — This is a — Jackson 116 

National — Democratic party is 159 

Office— Public, a trust 104 

Office— Tenure of— Ought to be fixed 112 

Office— Rotation in— Favored 38, 169 

Office — Removals — Jackson favored 39 

Powers — Constitutional reserved to states 167 

Powers — Granted to Federal Government 167 

Public faith— Must be sacredly kept 135, 162, 171 

Petition— Right of 122 123 

Protection — Of American citizens 64, 93 

Pacific R. R.— Favored 64 

Panama R. R— Favored 62 

Parties— Of few ideas— Short lived 19 

Public debts— Opposed 30 

Political offenses — Denounced — Opposed 132 



220 INDEX 

PAGE 
Property — Private — Can not be taken without pay.. 

130, 134 

Paupers — Foreign 105 

Polk, Prest — Portrait of 53 

Public funds ". 135 

Platforms— 1800, 1836, 1840 48, 50, 51 

1844, 1848, 1852 54, 55, 55 

1856, 1860, 1864 59, 63, 66 

1868, 1872, 1876 70, 75, 77 

1880, 1884, 1888 83, 86, 95 

1892, 1896, 1900 . 100, 106, 

Pierce — Franklin — Portrait of. 57 

Reciprocity — Treaties not favored 103 

Repudiation of public debts — Not Democratic 135 

Revenue — No more than necessary 142-3, 40, 55 

Republicans — Liberal Party platform 75 

Reaffirmed platforms — All to date 107 

Republican Congress derelict- 120 

Religious freedom 163, 140 

Rights— Civil 142 

Russia condemned 104 

Secession — democrats opposed as a party 117, 118 

Sectional parties and sectionalism depreciated, 29, 

148-9, 159 

State rights and Federal grants 40, 73, 160, 161 

Slavery — Concerning — Resolutions 58, 60 

Soldiers— Sympathy with 69, 74, 88, 111 

Surplus revenue 89 

Sumptuary laws 92, 106, 141 

Silver demonetized — Opposed 107 

Standing armies — Large, unsafe — opposed 161 

Taxation — Witnout representation, opposed 133 



INDEX 221 
M PAGE 

Tilden, Sam'l J. — Nominated and elected — Claimed.. 77 

Tilden, Samuel J., declined renomination 85 

Tariff— Protective, opposed 39, 79, 88, 90, 168 

Tariff — For revenue favored , 43, 143 

Tariff — Cleveland's views about 43, — 

Tariff— Thurman's views about 48, 152, — 

Taxation and tariffs 90, 92, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 109 

Territories — Concerning 59, 91, 106 

Treason— Trials for 132, 133 

Union — Favored under all circumstances 28, 78 

Warrants — General, opposed — None 131 

War— 1861-1865— Not declared a failure 67 

War power — In hands of representatives 129 

Worship— Freedom of 130 

Washington's principles 27 

Washington's portrait 27 

Voter — A sovereign at elections 16 

Veto power — Favored under conditions 40 

Van Buren's portrait 50 



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